IAM reported recently that a group of twenty Israeli academics joined some 1,000 scholars from around the world who signed a letter calling US President Joe Biden to stop arming Israel in its current war with Hamas. The letter suggested that Israel is conducting a “plausible genocide.”
One of the signatories was Dr. Regev Nathansohn, who teaches communications at Sapir College. Shortly after the letter was published, hundreds of Sapir College students signed a petition asking the administration to fire Nathansohn. “We will not tolerate educators who incite and call for a boycott against our country, as well as those who slander our soldiers,” the students wrote.
In response to the academics’ letter to Biden, Sapir College said, “We forcefully condemn the rhetoric against IDF soldiers and take very seriously the offense felt by the students… We must clarify beyond any doubt: The petition, and its signatories, do not represent Sapir in any way… While upholding basic principles of academic freedom and free speech, which the college has respected since its founding, the college unequivocally directed the lecturer not to use the name of the college in personal and/or political contexts and that he doesn’t represent the college in these contexts.”
After discussions with the College administration, Nathansohn agreed to take unpaid leave. But he stated, “They presented me with a mafioso-like choice: either go back to teaching without protections and with more limited freedom of speech, or remain on unpaid leave that dramatically affects my livelihood.”
Prof. Neve Gordon, who chairs the Academic Freedom Committee of the anti-Israel group British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (BRISMES), rushed to support Nathanson. Gordon is a decades-long pro-Palestinian activist, formerly from Ben Gurion University, who was recruited by Queen Mary University of London to teach and research anti-Israel themes. To recall, Gordon has called for the boycott of Israel on the pages of the Los Angeles Times in 2009. In 2004, Gordon was invited to Sabbatical by the pro-Palestinian Nezar Alsayyad, an Arab professor at UC Berkeley, to write his book Israel’s Occupation, which, among others, claimed that the Israeli government runs an Orwellian-style surveillance state.
Gordon declared that Sapir College breached Nathansohn’s academic freedom. He urged the College to: “Publicly reaffirm its commitment to the academic freedom and freedom of expression of all its academic staff and students; Issue a public statement rejecting the calls for Dr. Nathansohn’s dismissal and supporting his academic freedom and freedom of expression; Ensure Dr. Nathansohn’s physical and mental well-being in line with the College’s duty of care; Offer Dr. Nathansohn paid leave until the atmosphere among students and faculty is one in which he feels he can safely conduct his teaching.”
Two additional cases renewed the debate on freedom of speech and academic freedom.
The first, as IAM reported recently, pertained to Prof. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian of the Hebrew University Law Faculty, who said in an interview, “yes it’s time to abolish Zionism; this is where I’m going today, just abolish Zionism. Well, it can’t continue… it’s criminal. Only by abolishing Zionism, we can continue… The state of Israel is using women’s bodies to play with in political terms… we don’t see women coming out and saying what happened… it’s shame on the state to use women’s bodies and sexuality to promote political agendas… to promote further dispossession of land to promote further killing, to promote abuse and rape and you know keep in mind that the rapability of the Palestinians based on the Zionist agenda… the state, they will use everything to further kill, it’s a killing machine and it’s a necro, political regime that can survive only on the erasure of Palestinians… soldiers today getting into Palestinian homes using the laundry, playing with it using and laughing and putting it on tanks and putting it on rifles, what is it, what is this if it’s not sexual abuse?… the body of the Palestinian, the living body, the dead body, the cut to pieces body, are all capital in the hands of this Zionist entity and of course they will use any lie, they started with babies, they continued with rape, they will continue with million other lies, every day with another story, we stopped believing them. I hope that the world will stop believing them.” After a rather perfunctory apology, Shalhoub-Kevorkian was allowed to teach.
The second case involves Dr. Anat Matar, a philosopher at Tel Aviv University, which IAM has reported on numerous times. Matar had recently provoked controversy after she had eulogized Walid Daqqa, a terror-convicted prisoner, on her personal Facebook page. She called Daqqa a “dear friend” upon hearing of his death. She wrote, “Peace be upon you, dear and beloved friend. You were and will be an endless source of inspiration. My heart goes out to you, Sanaa and Milad. With Asad and the whole family. And with the entire Palestinian People, who today lost one of their most excellent sons.” Daqqa was the longest-serving Palestinian prisoner who died from cancer on April 7, after 37 years in Israeli prison. He had been involved in planning the 1984 abduction of soldier Moshe Tamam, who was killed by his kidnappers. Daqqa became a writer and befriended several Israeli intellectuals. Matar, a long-time radical leftwing activist, began exchanging letters with him after founding the Israeli Committee for Palestinian Prisoners in the early 2000s.
Ariel Porat, the President of Tel Aviv University, announced that TAU will not fire Matar. In a letter, Porat wrote: “The university administration condemned Dr. [Anat] Matar’s conduct. However, it also added that she had done nothing illegal, and we therefore do not intend to sack her… Put another way: by law, in the State of Israel, free expression also covers pronouncements that are infuriating, hurtful, and insensitive, whether you like it or not.”
Not surprisingly, a heated debate on academic freedom occurred in the Academia IL Network. One comment is typical of Israeli academics. Prof. Uriel Procaccia of the Hebrew University Faculty of Law wrote: “I would like to draw attention to the differences in the reactions of our university administration and the administration of Tel Aviv University. In both cases opinions were voiced without a trace of illegality, expressing identification, explicit or implicit, with the struggle of the Palestinian people against the thugs of the occupation. In the first case, it was the statements of Professor Nadera Shalhoub, some of whom accused her of Arab nationalism, and in the second case, it was the statements of Dr. Anat Matar, who paid tribute to a personal Palestinian friend of hers who died in prison. In the first case, Our Rector and President expressed themselves in a condescending way. In the second case, Tel Aviv University President, Professor Ariel Porat, wisely put the accusers in their place and stood up for the principle of freedom of speech and the discourse ceased to be taken for granted, even in cases where the discourse is infuriated by these or other personalities who wish to withdraw Israel to the time of the infamous Senator McCarthy.”
Israeli academics expect unlimited academic freedom and freedom of speech. Research commissioned by IAM in 2014, comparing academic freedoms with the US, UK, and Germany, found that Israeli academics enjoy unprecedented academic freedom. More to the point, many academic activists have abandoned the disciplines they were hired to teach and research, to concentrate on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. As IAM noted, students enrolled in departments where faculty took up the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at the expense of their areas of expertise, were deprived of a sound professional education.
The comparative research also emphasized that scholars in public universities (supported by taxpayers’ money) have an unlimited right to academic freedom. In Israel, almost all research universities are public, a fact that is rarely mentioned.
This situation increases the public perception that the social science departments operate in a radical leftist elitist bubble supported by the public coffer.
‘WE WON’T TOLERATE EDUCATORS WHO BOYCOTT OUR COUNTRY’Israeli academics slammed for signing letter accusing Israel of ‘plausible genocide’Two dozen members of academia call on the US to stop arming Israel in its war against Hamas in Gaza; students from the country’s devastated south demand their firing
By ASAF ELIA-SHALEV14 April 2024, 9:38 pm
JTA — A lecturer at an Israeli university is going on unpaid leave after students demanded he be fired for signing a petition that claims Israel “appears to” be guilty of genocide.
Regev Nathansohn, who teaches communications at Sapir College, is one of two dozen Israeli academics who have signed a petition calling for the United States to stop arming Israel in its war with Hamas. The petition, which more than 1,000 academics from around the world have signed, characterizes Israel’s conduct as a “plausible genocide.”
“President Biden, do not let the United States go down in history as the enabler of genocide,” said the petition, which has more than 1,000 signatories, from a group called Academics4Peace. “Respect the US’s obligation under international law and basic morality. The only way to stop the starvation of two million people, including 100+ Israeli hostages, is to end this war.”
Sapir is located on the Gaza border near the town of Sderot, which was one of the sites attacked in Hamas’s October 7 invasion of Israel that saw 1,200 people butchered and 253 abducted to the Gaza Strip, roughly 130 of whom are still in Hamas hands.
Many of the school’s students and staff hail from the area, and hundreds of its students signed a letter asking the college administration to fire Nathansohn for signing the petition. Israel rejects accusations of genocide and says it takes measures to avoid civilian casualties.
“We will not tolerate educators who incite and call for a boycott against our country, as well as those who slander our soldiers,” said the students’ letter.
Nathansohn has not been fired. But the school released a statement to the press condemning the petition, distancing Sapir from its content and saying it had instructed him not to use his academic affiliation while making political statements. Since then, Nathansohn and the administration have fought over what the college owes one of its faculty members, whether and how he should be protected and, more broadly, how far academic freedom should extend.
Nathansohn, who earned his doctorate at the University of Michigan, is one of at least five Israeli signatories who have faced intense backlash from students, according to the petition’s organizer, Shira Klein, an Israeli American history professor at Chapman University in California. She said the others are Eran Fisher of the Open University of Israel, and three scholars at Beersheba’s Ben Gurion University: Michal Givoni, Maor Zeev-Wolf and Uri Mor. Klein pointed to posts from students denouncing them on social media and in an online petition, as well as, in one case, a campus protest.
In total, more than 20 Israeli academics have signed the letter, among more than 1,000 overall. Outside of Israel, signatories include two Nobel laureates and numerous scholars of the Holocaust and Jewish history. Klein is an expert on the Holocaust and has studied contemporary antisemitism.
The campus conflicts are especially notable in Israel, where institutions of higher education — including Sapir — are one of the few spaces in which Jewish and Arab Israelis interact. Other campus conflicts have erupted in the country since October 7.
“We forcefully condemn the rhetoric against IDF soldiers and take very seriously the offense felt by the students,” Sapir’s statement said. “We must clarify beyond any doubt: The petition, and its signatories, do not represent Sapir in any way.”
It continued, “While upholding basic principles of academic freedom and free speech, which the college has respected since its founding, the college unequivocally directed the lecturer not to use the name of the college in personal and/or political contexts and that he doesn’t represent the college in these contexts.”
Nathansohn said the college should have done more to defend his right to free expression. Following coverage of the students’ letter in the Israeli press, he said he received anonymous phone calls as well as messages from fellow faculty members condemning him.
In a letter to Sapir’s administrators on March 28, Nathansohn wrote that they did not “prevent the creation of a hostile work atmosphere in the college.” He said he could not teach in the spring semester, which was due to begin April 1, and requested a leave of absence.
Administrators understood his email as a request for unpaid leave, said granting a paid leave would not be possible according to the school’s regulations, and offered an unpaid leave of six months, according to correspondence reviewed by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. Administrators also rejected his accusations, saying that they had vigorously defended his continued employment on the grounds of academic freedom.
“In recent days, we have unequivocally defended your right to express your opinion as a private citizen, in the face of a range of fronts that we are contending with — from the students’ association to government agencies,” read a letter dated April 1 from Sapir CEO Orna Gigi and its rector, Omri Herzog. The college did not reply to a request for comment from JTA.
Nathansohn eventually agreed to take an unpaid leave, but he did not consider the choice voluntary. He said that the restrictions on using his academic affiliation on petitions were unjust and, if applied only to him, could constitute an illegal double standard.
“They presented me with a mafioso-like choice: either go back to teaching without protections and with more limited freedom of speech, or remain on unpaid leave that dramatically affects my livelihood,” Nathansohn said.
A reporter with Israel’s Channel 14 tweeted the names of the recent petition’s signatories who work at Israeli colleges and universities. The post garnered outrage from many users, some of whom accused the academics of treason.
The petition is the fourth organized by Academics4Peace. The first, which went online in August, prior to the Israel-Hamas war, sought to direct attention to Israel’s treatment of Palestinians amid mass protests against the government’s efforts to weaken the judiciary. The next three have focused on October 7 and its aftermath.
Along with the letters calling for him to face consequences, Nathansohn has received support from a number of academic associations and professors. One fellow academic wrote in an email to Sapir’s leadership that Nathansohn “has been subjected to political persecution and unjust treatment by actors within the Sapir Academic College community and specifically by its management.”
Herzog responded that Sapir has tried to uphold its values in an increasingly challenging environment.
“We’re serv[ing] as a gatekeeper, with all the complexities that you may or may not be aware of,” he wrote. “I’m proud of the work we do in the classrooms and on campus.”
I write on behalf of the Academic Freedom Committee of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (BRISMES) in order to express our profound concern over Sapir College’s response to the vicious campaign waged by Im Tirzu and some Sapir students calling for the dismissal of Dr Regev Nathansohn from the Department of Communications. We are deeply concerned by Sapir College’s failure to adhere to its duty of care towards a member of its academic staff and by the actions it has taken since the campaign was launched, actions which in effect stifle academic freedom.
Founded in 1973, BRISMES is the largest national academic association in Europe focused on the study of the Middle East and North Africa. It is committed to supporting academic freedom and freedom of expression, both within the region and in connection with the study of the region, both in the UK and globally.
We understand that in late March, Dr Nathansohn signed a petition circulated by Academics4Peace entitled ‘Genocide is plausible; stop arms to Israel’. The petition calls on President Biden to respect the US’s obligations under international law and to stop the transfer of all offensive arms and related funds to Israel. On March 27, a group of Sapir students sent a letter demanding Dr Nathansohn’s dismissal, while circulating their letter to several media outlets.
In a response to the Israeli media outlet Ynet, Sapir College stated:
We vehemently condemn statements against IDF soldiers and take seriously the harm experienced by the students. It is important for us to clarify beyond any doubt: the petition and its signatories do not represent Sapir in any way. Many of the students and faculty members at Sapir are survivors of the murderous Sabbath, evacuated from their homes, and serve in the military reserves and security forces, and we strengthen their hand. Alongside the basic value of academic freedom and freedom of expression, which the college has been enshrining since its foundation, we made it unequivocally clear to the lecturer that he cannot use the college’s name in personal and/or political contexts, and he does not represent the college in these contexts.
We understand that alongside the media coverage there were incitements against Dr Nathansohn in online student forums, that his personal phone number was circulated among Im Tirtzu members and as a result he began receiving unsolicited phone calls, and that on the college’s Instagram account there were numerous instances in which Dr Nathansohn was maligned and described as a supporter of terrorism. The college’s Instagram manager ‘liked’ one of these remarks, which read: ‘Regev Nathansohn — Dismiss! Terror Supporter’.
We understand that on March 28 the university approved an unpaid leave of absence for six months, despite the fact that Dr Nathansohn had not requested such a leave. Furthermore, university senior management refused requests from Dr Nathansohn that the university clarify that the petition did not call for the harm of IDF soldiers.
In their response from April 1, Prof. Herzog and Sapir College’s CEO, Ms. Gigi, wrote that it was Dr Nathansohn’s decision to sign the petition, rather than the university’s response, that ‘produced the hostile working environment for [him]’.
While we understand why some Israelis might disagree with the petition circulated by Academics4Peace and may even find it offensive, it is precisely during times of war that academic freedom and freedom of expression are tested and need to be assiduously and robustly protected. It appears to us that the College has become a hostile environment for Dr Nathansohn. Since this is not the only case of a breach of academic freedom–we were told, for example, that Dr Yeela Renan’s teaching hours have been reduced following attacks from right wing students–that has occurred in Sapir College since October 7, we ask the College to:
Publicly reaffirm its commitment to the academic freedom and freedom of expression of all its academic staff and students;
Issue a public statement rejecting the calls for Dr Nathansohn’s dismissal and supporting his academic freedom and freedom of expression;
Ensure Dr Nathansohn’s physical and mental well-being in line with the College’s duty of care;
Offer Dr Nathansohn paid leave until the atmosphere among students and faculty is one in which he feels he can safely conduct his teaching.
Yours sincerely,
Professor Neve Gordon Vice President, BRISMES On behalf of the BRISMES Committee on Academic Freedom
———- Forwarded message ——— From: Uriel Procaccia Date: Mon, Apr 15, 2024 at 1:39 PM Subject: Re: [Academia-IL-Bashaar] תורת המשחקים, אסטרטגיית ההרתעה ומלחמת שבעה באוקטובר To:
ברצוני להפנות את תשומת הלב להבדלי התגובות של הנהלת האוניברסיטה שלנו והנהלת אוניברסיטת תל אביב. בשני המקרים הושמעו דעות לא נפל בהן שמץ של אי חוקיות, המביעות הזדהות, מפורשת או משתמעת, עם מאבקו של העם הפלסטיני כנגד בריוני הכיבוש. במקרה הראשון, היה מדובר בהתבטאויותיה של פרופסור נדירה שלהוב שיש המאשימים אותה בלאומנות ערבית, ובמקרה השני היה מדובר בהתבטאויותיה של ד”ר ענת מטר שספדה לידיד פלסטיני אישי שלה שמת בכלא. במקרה הראשון התבטאו הנשיא והרקטור שלנו בצורה משתלחת בפרופסור שלהוב, ובמקרה השני השכיל נשיא אוניברסיטת תל אביב, פרופסור אריאל פורת, להעמיד את המקטרגים במקומם ולעמוד על עקרון חופש הדיבור. אוי לנו אם עקרונות חופש הדיבור והשיח חדלו להיות מובנים מאליהם, גם במקרים שהשיח מקומם אישים אלה או אחרים החפצים להסיג את ישראל לתקופתו של סנטור מק-קרתי הידוע לשמצה.
Ariel Porat, the president of Tel Aviv University, announces that the institution will not fire a lecturer who had eulogized terror convict Walid Daqqa on her personal Facebook page.
In a letter dated Sunday and addressed to MK Yosef Tayeb, head of the Knesset’s Education Committee, Porat writes: “The university administration condemned Dr. [Anat] Matar’s conduct. However, it also added that she had done nothing illegal, and we therefore do not intend to sack her.”
“Put another way: by law, in the State of Israel, free expression also covers pronouncements that are infuriating, hurtful, and insensitive, whether you like it or not,” says Porat in the letter, which was subsequently sent to TAU students and faculty.
The university president says he received “with shock” Tayeb’s summons to a Monday committee hearing on “campus incitement” following Matar’s post, given the myriad problems facing Israeli society during the Gaza war.
“In this state of affairs, you have no shame in convening a Knesset discussion on an insignificant post by a single lecturer who represents only herself,” writes Porat.
“Are your eyes too shut to see the absurdity of this? Even war flaring up with Iran hasn’t made you cancel the session.”
Porat says he is abroad and will therefore not attend the “outrageous and illegitimate” committee meeting.
“Like other university presidents, I am fundraising to help, first and foremost, our reservists, our students, to whom we owe so much” writes Porat.
Matar, a philosopher of language, had provoked controversy after she called Daqqa a “dear friend” upon hearing of his death.
Daqqa, the longest-serving Palestinian prisoner, died from cancer on April 7 after 37 years in Israeli captivity. He had been involved in planning the 1984 abduction of soldier Moshe Tamam, who was killed by his kidnappers.
Daqqa later expressed regret for his actions and renounced violence. He became a writer and came into contact with several Israeli intellectuals.
Matar, a longtime leftwing activist, began exchanging letters with Daqqa after founding the Israeli Committee for Palestinian Prisoners, alongside his wife, Sanaa, in the early 2000s
Tel Aviv University lecturer eulogizes terrorist Walid Daka as ‘a source of inspiration’
Dr. Anat Matar pays tribute to terrorist who died in prison at age of 62; students will demonstrate, demanding her dismissal; university condemns her words, will investigate whether they’re in breach of freedom of speech policy
Tamar Trabelsi-Hadad|04.10.24 | 10:03
Tel Aviv University students are demanding the dismissal of Dr. Anat Matar, a senior lecturer in the department of philosophy, after she posted on Facebook a heartfelt eulogy for Arab-Israeli terrorist Walid Daka, one of the murderers of soldier Moshe Tamam in 1984. “Goodbye dear and beloved friend. You were and will be an endless source of inspiration,” the lecturer wrote about Daka, one of the oldest security prisoners held in an Israeli prison, who died of cancer on Sunday at the age of 62. “My heart goes out to you, Sanaa and Milad. With Asad and the whole family. With the entire Palestinian people who lost one of their greatest sons today.”
Her words provoked outrage among many students, who called on the university management to fire her and announced that they would hold a protest at Entin Square. “This is a call to everyone who agrees that the public veneration of a person known for murder on ethnic grounds is a terrible incitement that goes far beyond the limits of freedom of expression,” the students wrote.
One of them, Tamar Cohen, said that she and her friends were shocked by Dr. Matar’s post and that for her it was the “straw that broke the camel’s back” since she had made previous statements against the State of Israel on Facebook and in interviews to international media. “As a student, it is so painful and frightening to see Dr. Anat Matar’s statement. To know that the academic institution I study in, which is supposed to be enlightened and democratic, has a lecturer who openly supports a murderer, makes me feel less safe at the university.”
She expressed disappointment in the conduct of the academic institution. “After Dr. Matar has already expressed herself in such ways in the past, to know that she continues to express herself in an extreme way as a faculty member, especially in this period, is infuriating and insensitive. There are a lot of students in the reserves who are fighting now so that she can continue lecturing, so that we can continue studying,” the student said.
“It’s not a matter of right or left, we’ve all been affected since October 7. Israeli citizens from all sectors, as well as foreign citizens,” Cohen added. “Among the victims are university students who were murdered. I really hope that the university handles this case as soon as possible and that it doesn’t end with a reprimand. I don’t feel safe with a lecturer who expresses herself like that.”
The right-wing organization Btsalmo said that it will file a complaint against the lecturer for violating the rules of discipline, and also a complaint to the police for violation of the terrorism law. “He who is sad that a terrorist died, his ideological and realistic place is with the terrorist,” the organization said in a statement. “After October 7, anyone who is a friend of the enemy is like an enemy and must pay a very heavy price for it. We will not remain silent in the face of any instigator even if he is mistakenly called a doctor or a professor.”
Matan Jerafi from the right-wing movement Im Tirtzu also expressed outrage at the lecturer’s eulogy for the terrorist. “What message exactly does the university president’s silence convey in the face of this serious statement? We demand the immediate termination of Matar’s employment at Tel Aviv University,” he said.
Tel Aviv University responded in a statement, “Tel Aviv University strongly condemns Anat Matar’s words. This is a private statement outside of the academic framework. It will be examined based on the university’s policy regarding freedom of expression.” The current storm joins the one that erupted following the statements of Professor Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, a lecturer from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, who was suspended after she published a petition that accuses Israel of committing genocide in Gaza. The head of the investigation and intelligence department in the Israel Police, Chief Yigal Ben Shalom, recently recommended to the prosecutor’s office to approve the opening of a criminal investigation against Shalhoub-Kevorkian on suspicion of incitement.
Universities in Canada saw a spike in anti-Israel and anti-Semitic incidents. IAM discussed this issue before.
IAM reported in September 2020, “Canada’s Battles on anti-Israel Activities” on the battle over the directorship of the International Human Rights Program (IHRP) at the University of Toronto. Pro-Palestinian activists support the nomination of Dr. Valentina Azarova, known for her anti-Israel and pro-Palestinian views. Not surprisingly, Azarova had previously taught at Birzeit University, Palestine. Azarova’s nomination has been rescinded. However, the administration of the University of Toronto announced that Azarova was not officially a candidate.
IAM reported in July 2022, “New Book on Anti-Israel Advocacy in Canada,” concerning several Canadian scholars who co-authored a book, Advocating for Palestine in Canada Histories, Movements, Action. IAM stated that, as has been the norm in pro-Palestinian academic circles, the book mainly focused on attacking Israel rather than discussing Palestinian issues.
However, since the Black Sabbath of October 7, 2023, the amount of anti-Israel and antisemitic cases has skyrocketed in Canada and elsewhere. Concordia University has recently decided to tackle this issue. A few days ago, President Graham Carr informed the students by email that a new Task Force was created as a result of increasing identity-based violence on campus. Standing Together Against Racism and Identity-based Violence (STRIVE) was formed after a long period of tension on campus. For example, on Nov. 8, 2023, there was an altercation on campus between pro-Israeli and pro-Palestinian students.
According to the Concordia website, the STRIVE Task Force “aims to counter identity-based violence through campus engagement, consultations with all members of our community, open dialogue, education, and awareness.”
According to the Concordia website, “Academic freedom and freedom of expression, core Concordia values, can only thrive when we make clear the distinctions between open and challenging discourse and expressions of threats, violence, and hatred against identifiable groups. Central to this task is the differentiation between identity-based violence, systemic discrimination, hate, and controversial speech. Racism and identity-based violence undermine the university’s commitment to respect, inclusion, and equality within our community. As a center of learning and production of knowledge, Concordia has a crucial role in addressing how identity-based violence creates barriers to full participation in our university community.”
President Carr promised to notify the student body of STRIVE’s progress.
A further examination of the Concordia website, however, finds a big surprise. Rachel Berger, Associate Dean, Academic Programs & Development, School of Graduate Studies, who is also a historian of medicine, food and the body in South Asia, is on the steering committee.
Berger has a long history of anti-Israel activism. For example, on October 26, 2023, she signed a petition by “Artists & Academics in Canada: Statement of Solidarity with Palestine,” who pledged our “support for the Palestinian people in the face of over 75 years of Israeli apartheid, settler colonialism, military occupation, and ethnic cleansing.” The petition repeats the anti-Israeli tropes of Gaza being an “open-air prison, a place of brutal massacres and weapon testing“ and so on. Most egregiously, the petition notes that, “The militant reaction from Palestinians in Gaza on October 7, 2023, is a result of decades of cruel and oppressive treatment.” In other words, the savage attack of Hamas on Israeli civilians in which residents were killed, raped, dismembered, and burnt, in addition of being kidnapped, was justified. As the saying goes, “Israel made us do it.”
The petition even blames Canada’s founders: “Understanding the settler-colonial nature of Canada and its foundations on the theft of Indigenous land and life, it is not entirely surprising that Canada would defend siege, slaughter, and the theft of land. Yet, this has created an atmosphere of increased racism, policing, intimidation, and fear for Palestinians and their supporters in the settler colony of Canada.”
In the Spring of 2021, Berger was among a group “Jewish Faculty Against the IHRA Working Definition of Antisemitism.” As IAM reported, after the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) came out with a Working Definition of Antisemitism, which was widely accepted in the West, groups of pro-Palestinian academics mobilized to fight it.
In 2016, Berger was one of the initiators of the BDS call at Concordia, titled, “Simone de Beauvoir Institute’s Statement of Feminist Solidarity with the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) Movement.” It stated that the representatives of the Simone de Beauvoir Institute (SdBI) “voted in unanimous support of the following resolution on the Palestinian call for the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement: As feminist scholars, activists, teachers, and public intellectuals we recognize the interconnectedness of systemic forms of oppression. In the spirit of this perspective, we cannot overlook the injustice and violence, including sexual and gender-based violence, perpetrated against Palestinians and other Arabs in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, within Israel and in the Golan Heights, as well as the colonial displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians during the 1948 Nakba.”
The signatories of the imitative went on to state: “We share and are inspired by the values expressed by the December 2015 U.S. National Women’s Studies Association in their declaration of support for BDS and call for feminist solidarity with Palestinians. They state: “As feminist activists, scholars, teachers and intellectuals who recognize the interconnectedness of systemic forms of oppression, we cannot overlook the injustice and violence, including sexual and gender-based violence, perpetrated against Palestinians. Following their lead, we similarly regard our resolution in support of BDS as ‘an act of transnational solidarity aimed at social transformation for a better world’.”
On March 14, 2015, Berger signed an “Open Letter: Defend Freedom of Speech,” which addressed the “university community regarding Palestinian Rights and Canadian Universities.” The letter argued that there have been “increasing efforts to limit advocacy of Palestinian rights in Canadian universities, amounting to a pattern of the suppression of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly.” The undersigned, “Defend the right to freedom of speech about Palestine for all members of the university community, including freedom to use the term ‘apartheid’ to identify and debate certain policies associated with the state of Israel and the freedom to support, facilitate and participate freely in activities under the rubric of “Israeli apartheid week.” They also “Call for an end to the silencing of speech around Palestine, removing extraordinary requirements for security clearance and fees for security services.” And “Support increased ties to Palestinian institutions and scholars, and activities to support the right to education and academic freedom of Palestinians.”
She signed another Letter on August 10, 2014, published by a group named Canadians 4 Gazans, titled “Canadians for Justice and Human Rights in Gaza,” which stated that “Canadians call on the Government and federal political parties to condemn violations of international law in Gaza.” The group stated “We, the undersigned academics, professors, lawyers, community leaders, and prominent community members, are profoundly perturbed by the unbalanced and partisan position adopted by the Canadian Government and federal political parties regarding the current violence in Gaza… While Hamas’s indiscriminate rocket firings are illegal under international law, Israel is still bound by basic international humanitarian law principles protecting civilians during times of war and prohibiting collective punishment. Indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks on civilian life and infrastructure in Gaza violate fundamental norms of international law… Multiple human rights groups have documented and condemned likely Israeli war crimes in Gaza… As a country claiming to champion universal human rights and dignity, Canada’s foreign policy must align with international law, and reflect the equal value of Palestinian and Israeli life. The callous devaluation of Palestinian life communicated by our political leaders does not represent us.”
Berger was among the signatories of “Historians’ Letter to President Obama and Members of Congress” on August 28, 2014, demanding that the US change its policy toward Palestine/Israel, “In the face of the ongoing carnage in Gaza, members of Historians Against the War are circulating the letter.” It stated, “We deplore the ongoing attacks against civilians in Gaza and in Israel. We also recognize the disproportionate harm that the Israeli military, which the United States has armed and supported for decades, is inflicting on the population of Gaza. We are profoundly disturbed that Israeli forces are killing and wounding so many Palestinian children. Desperate conditions in Gaza resulting from Israeli policies have made effective evacuation of war zones virtually impossible. We regard as unacceptable the failure of United States elected officials to hold Israel accountable for such acts. As we watch the death toll mount and observe the terror of the trapped inhabitants in Gaza, we call upon you to demand a cease-fire, the immediate withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza, and a permanent end to the blockade so that its people can resume some semblance of normal life. We urge you to suspend US military aid to Israel, until there is assurance that this aid will no longer be used for the commission of war crimes. As historians, we recognize this as a moment of acute moral crisis in which it is vitally important that United States policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict change direction.”
Canada adopted the IHRA Definition of Antisemitism, which would consider much of the content of Berger’s activism as antisemitic. This is deeply troubling because Concordia’s president created STRIVE to fight antisemitism. Therefore, Rachel Berger should not be allowed to serve on the Task Force.
On April 3, Concordia President Graham Carr informed students by email that a new task force called Standing Together against Racism and Identity-based Violence (STRIVE) has been formed.
The creation of the task force comes after months of increasing tension on campus. On Nov. 8, 2023, a confrontation in the Henry F. Hall building between Israeli and Palestinian students turned violent. More recently, on March 13, a few students from the Muslim Student Association (MSA) expressed that they do not feel safe on campus, due to claims of Zionist students verbally harassing them on a regular basis. Several members of MSA accused students of calling them terrorists, pro-Hamas supporters and MSA terrorists.
According to Carr, since October 2023, there has been an increase in “manifestations of hate, acts of intimidation and other instances of identity-based violence.” In his statement, Carr said these incidents are unacceptable.
The university created STRIVE as a result of increasing identity-based violence on campus. According to the university’s website, the task force will aim to address identity-based violence, strengthen anti-discrimination efforts and develop new policies and initiatives to combat discrimination at Concordia.
The task force will consist of one overseeing body and six subcommittees. Each subcommittee will consist of one lead and three members representing staff, students and faculty. The subcommittees will tackle key issues, including antisemitism, anti-Arab racism, Islamophobia, anti-Asian racism, transphobia, as well as campus climate and campus engagement.
For each subcommittee, the university will examine existing campus policies and systems in place for complaints. The university will also evaluate the community’s access to campus services and speak to the relevant Concordia and Montreal communities to deduce what measures are needed.
According to Concordia’s website, the committees are seeking participants to join the task force.
This isn’t the first time the university has created a task force. Concordia currently has one task force, the Task Force on anti-Black Racism. Alongside the task force, Concordia also created a committee on Sexual Misconduct and Sexual Violence in 2018—the latter of which has been heavily criticized by students. These criticisms involve being non-student-centric and unable to adequately deal with cases or listening to student complaints.
Carr promises to notify the student body of any advancements or progress made by STRIVE.
Standing Together against Racism and Identity-based Violence
Why a task force?
Concordia’s President is striking a university-wide task force called STRIVE: Standing Together against Racism and Identity-based Violence. The STRIVE Task Force is a continuation of the university’s commitment to addressing systemic discrimination, identity-based violence, and hate on campus and beyond.
Academic freedom and freedom of expression, core Concordia values, can only thrive when we make clear the distinctions between open and challenging discourse and expressions of threats, violence, and hatred against identifiable groups. Central to this task is the differentiation between identity-based violence, systemic discrimination, hate, and controversial speech. Racism and identity-based violence undermine the university’s commitment to respect, inclusion, and equality within our community.
As a centre of learning and production of knowledge, Concordia has a crucial role in addressing how identity-based violence creates barriers to full participation in our university community. The Task Force aims to counter identity-based violence through campus engagement, consultations with all members of our community, open dialogue, education, and awareness.
The mandate of the STRIVE Task Force is to oversee and coordinate the work needed to address identity-based violence as it manifests across the university.
STRIVE will assess and make recommendations to strengthen anti-discrimination efforts at Concordia, ensuring that we have the tools and structures in place to respond to a climate of increasing polarization while celebrating our diversity.
To do so, it will investigate, analyze and recommend the development of new policies and initiatives at Concordia, and assess ways to enhance existing institutional policies. Particular attention will be paid to existing informal and formal systems and practices of care and support, and how these can be bolstered.
To establish a global view, STRIVE will examine Concordia’s policies, teaching and administrative practices, and experiences of faculty, staff, and students. It will engage in wide-ranging consultation with the community as well as work with and consult internal and external partners.
A comprehensive set of recommendations to combat identity-based violence at the university are to be submitted by the Task Force to the Provost.
Leadership and structure
The work of the STRIVE Task Force will be led by a steering committee and six subcommittees.
Steering Committee
The STRIVE steering committee is led by three co-chairs:
Rachel Berger, Associate Dean, Academic Programs & Development, School of Graduate Studies,
Rilla Shabnam Khaled, Associate Professor, Design and Computational Arts and Associate Director of Technoculture, Arts & Games (TAG), and
The steering committee will take a holistic approach to its work of understanding specific forms of identity-based violence and identifying counter-strategies. It will also examine the workings of the university in relation to identity-based violence on campus.
In addition to the co-chairs, the steering committee membership will include the following members:
Undergraduate student
Graduate student
Alumni
Full-time Faculty
Part-time Faculty
Staff (2)
Subcommittee leads
In addition to members, the steering committee will include administrative and communications support.
Subcommittees
To best examine and address the university’s needs in relation to the overt and covert forms of identity-based violence within our institution, the Task Force will conduct its work through subcommittees according to six initial focus areas:
Campus Engagement
Antisemitism
Anti-Arab racism and Islamophobia
Anti-Asian racism
Transphobia
Campus Climate
Each area will be examined in depth and with careful attention to specificity and intersectionality (for example, appropriation, fetishization, hate, exclusion, erasure) as well as in juxtaposition with each other and the broader university context.
The subcommittees, also composed of faculty members, staff, students, and administrative leaders, will examine and make recommendations on targeted areas of concern. Wherever pertinent, the subcommittees will consult the broader Concordia community to address the identified concerns as fully as possible. The Office of the Provost will provide administrative support to the Task Force for its mandate.
Following President Carr’s announcement regarding the STRIVE (Standing Together against Racism and Identity-based Violence) Task Force, the university community is invited to participate in the effort to create a diverse and representative group from across the university.
Call for subcommittee members
The STRIVE Task Force is looking for members for each of its six subcommittees:
Each subcommittee will consist of one lead and three members representing staff, students, and faculty. Read the details about the work of each subcommittee.
We welcome applications from students, faculty and staff members from a range of backgrounds, and who will bring lived experience, and diversity with respect to ethnicity, religion, nationality, age, gender identity and expression, or other characteristics.
We encourage all interested students, faculty, and staff members to carefully read the information below and apply to become a subcommittee member by April 26, 2024.
Make an impact: Join the Task Force
We are seeking individuals who have the potential to contribute to reviewing and further developing policies and processes that will lead to fostering an inclusive and respectful environment at Concordia.
To carry out this work, these individuals will contribute their insights, expertise and lived experience into existing and emerging challenges that fall within the scope of the Task Force’s mandate as well as in relation to the subcommittee of interest.
STRIVE needs individuals who can engage critically with diverse perspectives about the role of a university, in general as well as in times of polarization, as well as demonstrate an understanding of existing university policies or processes concerning hate and discrimination.
Other helpful assets include strong listening and communication skills, interest in supporting an inclusive and respectful campus, and willingness to participate actively and respectfully in discussions on complex issues.
Subcommittees may meet with impacted parties and carry out or participate in community conversations.
Eligibility requirements
There are some requirements you must meet for your application to be a subcommittee member to be considered.
If you are a student, you must be:
Currently registered in a credited program at Concordia Be in good academic standing Have completed a minimum of 30 credits for undergraduates or 12 credits for graduate students.
Students who are graduating in the current academic year or in academic year 2024-2025 are not eligible to participate in the Task Force as sub-committee members, but will have the opportunity to bring their experiences and concerns for the consideration of the Task Force.
Faculty and staff must be:
Active members Have been employed at Concordia for at least 12 months
Faculty and staff members who are on leave are not eligible to participate in the Task Force as subcommittee members, but will have the opportunity to bring their experiences and concerns for the consideration of the Task Force.
Time commitment
When submitting an application, please consider that the Task Force will be active for a year or longer. Each subcommittee will establish its own schedule of meetings and deliverables; however, applicants should expect to devote a minimum of three hours per week to Task Force work starting May 2024. Additional meetings may be required.
To be an active and full member on the Task Force, it is vital that all members be able to meet this requirement. It will not be possible to be replaced by a delegate or a substitute.
Apply to become a subcommittee member
You can apply to become a subcommittee member by April 26, 2024.
A Concordia email address is required to access the application form. If you are a student and have not yet activated your email address, please follow these simple steps. If you are still having difficulty activating your Concordia email address, please contact us at strivetaskforce@concordia.ca.
The Task Force’s co-chairs will review all eligible applications. All applicants will receive an email response and Task Force members will be announced in May 2024.
If you know someone who might be interested or has relevant experience, please encourage them to apply. You can also recommend individuals who would be valuable to include in community engagement and consultation efforts.
The STRIVE Task Force and subcommittees will be inviting groups and units across the university to provide written feedback along with opportunities for face-to-face meetings with members.
We will be holding public conversations to engage undergraduate and graduate students, faculty, staff, and administrators as part of our work. Individuals will also be able to submit written feedback. We will be sharing more details on the engagement activities shortly.
If you are interested in combatting identity-based violence on campus but are not available to participate in the STRIVE Task Force, you can check back here for updates and more information.
“As artists, cultural workers, and academics, we stand strong in support of the Palestinian struggle for freedom and against all forms of racism and settler-colonial violence,” the authors write.
Maya Pontone and Valentina Di Liscia October 26, 2023
Canadian artists, writers, academics, and cultural workers are vocalizing their support of Palestine in a new open letter that has garnered more than 4,000 signatures, including members of nearly 200 organizations and groups. Denouncing “Israeli apartheid, settler colonialism, military occupation, and ethnic cleansing,” the letter urges Israel to cease its ongoing bombardment of the Gaza Strip, which has killed over 7,000 Palestinians to date and displaced half of the region’s population.
“We understand that the events of [October 7] did not occur in a vacuum,” reads a letter authored by Artists for Palestine – Canada, reproduced in full in English and French below. “For two decades, Israel has held Palestinians in Gaza under siege, in an open-air prison, subjecting them to brutal massacres and weapons testing; depriving them of basic goods, food, clean water, medicine, and medical supplies.”
In recent weeks, since the Hamas militant group attack that killed 1,400 Israeli people, Israel has launched a barrage of air strikes and a complete siege on the Gaza Strip — an enclave home to roughly 2.3 million people, half of whom are children, who have been living under an Israeli blockade for over 18 years. The signatories of Artists For Palestine – Canada’s letter pledge to refuse professional invitations and funding from institutions linked to the Israeli government until it “complies with international law and universal principles of human rights.”
“As artists, cultural workers, and academics, we stand strong in support of the Palestinian struggle for freedom and against all forms of racism and settler-colonial violence,” the authors write.
Read Artists for Palestine – Canada’s letter, reproduced in full, below.
________________________________
Artists & Academics in Canada: Statement of Solidarity with Palestine
We, the undersigned artists, academics, and cultural workers, pledge our support for the Palestinian people in the face of over 75 years of Israeli apartheid, settler colonialism, military occupation, and ethnic cleansing.
We understand that the events of this week did not occur in a vacuum. For two decades, Israel has held Palestinians in Gaza under siege, in an open-air prison, subjecting them to brutal massacres and weapons testing; depriving them of basic goods, food, clean water, medicine, and medical supplies. Since 2000, more than 135,000 Palestinians have been detained by Israeli forces, including 21,000 Palestinian children and hundreds of academics, artists, journalists, human rights defenders, and parliamentarians. Peaceful protests continue to be met with Israeli sniper bullets. Palestinian journalists are targeted for bringing us news on the ground, as in the case of longtime Al Jazeera correspondent Shireen Abu Akleh, who was shot in the head by Israeli forces while covering Israeli attacks on Jenin refugee camp last year.
Palestine solidarity supporters and Palestinians around the world, particularly in the US, Canada, and Europe, are being criminalized, intimidated, imprisoned, facing unprecedented levels of anti-Palestinian racism and incitement of violence. This year, Israel’s far-right government implemented a criminal policy that legalized raids of Palestinian cities and villages across the West Bank and Jerusalem, reaching a record high of Palestinian deaths and arrests without charge or trial. The whole world understood in the case of Ukraine that resistance to military occupation is justified. It is in fact a right guaranteed by international law. The militant reaction from Palestinians in Gaza on October 7, 2023, is a result of decades of cruel and oppressive treatment.
As the Israeli regime flattens entire neighborhoods in the besieged Gaza Strip, where nearly half of the 2.3 million-person population are children, over 1400 Palestinians have been killed, including 447 children, over 6,000 injured, and over 340,000 internally displaced (Palestinian Ministry of Health as of Thursday, October 12). As the illegal bombardment continues, we call on all people of conscience to show their meaningful solidarity with Palestinians.
We are disappointed and ashamed by the response of the Canadian government, elected representatives, and institutions, who have once again voiced their overwhelming support for apartheid Israel and legitimized the ongoing shelling of Gaza and the escalation of military violence in the West Bank. Understanding the settler-colonial nature of Canada and its foundations on the theft of Indigenous land and life, it is not entirely surprising that Canada would defend siege, slaughter, and the theft of land. Yet, this has created an atmosphere of increased racism, policing, intimidation, and fear for Palestinians and their supporters in the settler colony of Canada.
How must Palestinians in Ottawa have felt to see the Israeli flag projected on Parliament Hill while Israel dropped internationally banned white phosphorus in residential neighborhoods of Gaza, promising to “open the gates of hell”? What message does that send to Palestinians? Voices of conscience are publicly scolded and defamed, suggesting to Palestinians among us that they cannot voice their grief in public. In attacking political and labor leaders who have voiced their support for Palestinians, the Canadian government has built an environment of fear and fueled acts of discrimination against Palestinians and their supporters.
As Israel commits war crimes with overwhelming evidence and documentation, mainstream media has catered to the heavy propaganda campaign launched by Israel and facilitated by Western governments and media. Failing to document the war crimes of the Israeli regime or the suffering of Palestinians, and proliferating racist claims from Israel without substantiation, Canadian media is contributing to the dehumanization of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and beyond and manufacturing consent for the ongoing massacres.
As artists, cultural workers, and academics, we stand strong in support of the Palestinian struggle for freedom and against all forms of racism and settler-colonial violence. In response to the open call from Palestinian artists and cultural workers for a cultural boycott of Israel, we pledge to accept neither professional invitations to Israel, nor funding, from any institutions linked to its government until it complies with international law and universal principles of human rights. Without international ground-up pressure through the Palestinian-led Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement, the Israeli regime will continue to practice apartheid and commit crimes against the Palestinian people unhindered.
It is easy to look back at history and recognize right from wrong, but it takes bravery to speak for justice in the present moment. Join us in taking a principled stand. Apartheid is a security threat to all, and none of us are free until all of us are free.
Editor’s note 11/1/23 11:18am EST: Following the publication of this article, one person requested that their name be removed from the signatory list. After reviewing the circumstances of their request, Hyperallergic removed their name. The current list of signatories is updated to reflect this.
We write as Jewish faculty from across Canadian universities and colleges with deep concern regarding recent interventions on our campuses relating to Israel and Palestine. Addressing all forms of racism and discrimination, including antisemitism, is imperative at this historical moment. Among the signatories, many share family histories profoundly and intimately shaped by the Holocaust. We write out of a strong commitment to justice, which for some of us is vital to an ethical Jewish life.
We add our voices to a growing international movement of Jewish scholars to insist that university policies to combat antisemitism are not used to stifle legitimate criticisms of the Israeli state, or the right to stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people. We recognize that the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement is a legitimate, non-violent form of protest. While not all of us endorse the BDS movement we oppose equating its support with antisemitism. We also are deeply disturbed by the upsurge of antisemitic acts in recent years which display painfully familiar forms of antisemitism.
We are specifically concerned with recent lobbying on our campuses for the adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism. This definition offers a vague and worrisome framing of antisemitism as “a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews” and that may be “directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property.” The most serious problem however is that the definition is tied to a series of examples of which many are criticisms of the Israeli state. For this reason, the IHRA working definition has come under extensive criticism. Not only does it essentialize Jewish identity, culture, and theology, it also equates Jewishness and Judaism with the State of Israel – effectively erasing generations of debate within Jewish communities. The issue is particularly pressing as the IHRA working definition has been invoked by those seeking to interfere with collegial governance and student life at Canadian universities. The IHRA working definition distracts from experiences of anti-Jewish racism, and threatens to silence legitimate criticism of Israel’s grave violations of international law and denial of Palestinian human and political rights.
On campuses where this definition has been adopted it has been used to intimidate and silence the work of unions, student groups, academic departments and faculty associations that are committed to freedom, equality and justice for Palestinians. A range of international Jewish institutions have recognized this problem; for example, the New Israel Fund of Canada has recently retracted their support for the IHRA working definition of antisemitism. Furthermore, the University College London (UCL) has seen its Academic Board advise that the university seek an alternative definition of antisemitism and reverse adoption of the IHRA model. The UCL Academic Board joins a growing chorus of voices, including over 500 Canadian academics and multiple statements by Jewish and Israeli academics, British academics who are Israeli citizens, and specialists in Jewish and Holocaust history, opposing the adoption of the IHRA working definition of antisemitism.
We know that there is serious and occasionally fractious disagreement on our campuses about antisemitism and its relationship to criticism of the State of Israel. These disputes cannot and will not be resolved by definitional fiat. If the goal of adopting the IHRA definition is to quell further conflict around the legitimate scope of criticism of Israel, it will surely fail. This is already evident at many academic institutions.
Adopting a seriously flawed framework to confront antisemitism is antithetical to the broader pursuit of justice and tolerance at the core of the mission statement of many universities. Freedom to criticize the policies and practices of any state without exception, including the State of Israel, is central to accountable scholarship, learning and education. We believe it is also central to building a more just academy.
Signed,
Howard Tzvi Adelman, History and Jewish Studies, Queen’s University Adam H.W. Adler, Associate Professor of Music Education, Nipissing University Willow Samara Allen, Adjunct Faculty, Leadership Studies, University of Victoria Jonathan Alschech, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, University of Northern British Columbia Vered Amit, Professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Concordia University Meir Amor, Associate Professor, Concordia University Shira Avni, Associate Professor, Concordia University Abigail B. Bakan, Professor, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE), University of Toronto Joel Bakan, Professor, Peter A. Allard School of Law, University of British Columbia Lisa Barg, McGill University Bruce Baum, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of British Columbia Michaela Beder, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto Daniel Bender, History and Food Studies, Department of Historical and Cultural Studies, University of Toronto Joseph Berkovitz, Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology, University of Toronto Rachel Berger, Associate Professor, History, Concordia University Jody Berland, Professor, Department of Humanities, York University Bruce J. Berman, Queen’s University Rachel Berman, Associate Professor, Early Childhood Studies, Toronto Metropolitan University Lauren Bialystok, Associate Professor, Department of Social Justice Education, OISE, University of Toronto Anne-Emanuelle Birn, Professor of Critical Development Studies & Global Health University of Toronto Gary Bloch, Associate Professor, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto Michael Blum, Professor, École des arts visuels et médiatiques, Université du Québec à Montréal Shamma Boyarin, English Department/Religion Culture and Society Program, University of Victoria Lara Braitstein, Associate Professor, School of Religious Studies, McGill University Elise K. Burton, Assistant Professor, History and Philosophy of Science and Technology, University of Toronto Nadya Burton, Associate Professor, Midwifery Education Program, Toronto Metropolitan University Shelley Ruth Butler, Lecturer, McGill University Nergis Canefe, Associate Professor of Politics, Public Policy and Law, York University Eric Cazdyn, Professor, University of Toronto Claudia Chaufan, MD, PhD, Associate Professor, School of Health Policy and Management, York University Nicole Cohen, Associate Professor, Institute of Communication, Culture and Information, University of Toronto Rebecca Comay, Professor, Philosophy and Comparative Literature, University of Toronto Jonah Corne, Associate Professor, Department of English, Theatre, Film and Media, University of Manitoba Jordana Cox, Assistant Professor, University of Waterloo Deborah Cowen, Professor, Geography and Planning, University of Toronto Leah Decter, Canada Research Chair in Creative Technologies, Division of Media Arts, NSCAD University Sheila Delany, Emerita, Simon Fraser University James Deutsch MD, PhD, Dept. of Psychiatry, University of Toronto Norman Epstein, Professor Emeritus, Dept. Of Chemical and Biological Engineering, University of British Columbia Rachel Epstein, Adjunct Faculty, Brock University Mark Etkin, MD, FRCPC, Associate Professor, Faculty of Medicine, University of Manitoba Aaron Ettinger, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Carleton University Zac Feilchenfeld, MD MHPE FRCPC, Assistant Professor, Department of Medicine, University of Toronto Ruth Felder, Naomi Klein, Associate Professor of Geography, University of British ColumbiaAssociate Teaching Professor at the Faculty of Social Science, Ontario Tech University Alvin Finkel, Retired Professor of History, Athabasca University Elle Flanders, Lecturer, Daniels Faculty of Architecture, Landscape and Design, University of Toronto John Fox, Professor Emeritus, Department of Sociology, McMaster University Sid Frankel, Associate Professor, University of Manitoba Gavin Fridell, Associate Professor, Saint Mary’s University Tami J. Friedman, Associate Professor, Department of History, Brock University Harriet Friedmann, Professor Emerita of Sociology, University of Toronto Lara Rosenoff Gauvin, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of Manitoba Stella Gaon, Professor, Department of Political Science, Saint Mary’s University Judith A. Garber, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Roni Gechtman, Associate Professor, Department of History, Mount Saint Vincent University Mimi Gellman, Associate Professor, Emily Carr University of Art and Design Amanda Glasbeek, Associate Professor, Department of Social Science, York University Harry Glasbeek, Professor Emeritus, York University Luin Goldring, Professor of Sociology, York University Tara Goldstein, Professor, Curriculum, Teaching and Learning, OISE, University of Toronto Cy Gonick, Founder Canadian Dimension magazine, retired economics professor University of Manitoba Rachel Gorman, Associate Professor, Critical Disability Studies, York University Barbara Graves, Professor, Faculté d’éducation, University of Ottawa Samantha Green, Assistant Professor, Department of Family and Community Medicine, University of Toronto Jonathan Greene, Associate Professor, Political Studies, Trent University Saara Greene, Professor, School of Social Work, McMaster University Jesse Greener, Professor of Chemistry, Université Laval Ricardo Grinspun, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, York University Kevin A. Gould, Associate Professor, Geography, Planning and Environment, Concordia University Gal Gvili, McGill University Jasmin Habib, Associate Professor, University of Waterloo Chaya Halberstam, King’s University College at Western University Judy Haiven, PhD. Retired Professor, Saint Mary’s University Larry Haiven, PhD. Professor Emeritus, Saint Mary’s University, Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada Max Haiven, Associate Professor, CRC in Culture, Media and Social Justice, Lakehead University Orit Halpern, Associate Professor, Sociology and Anthropology, Concordia University Rick Halpern, Professor, History, University of Toronto Naomi Hamer, Associate Professor, Department of English, Toronto Metropolitan University Denise Handlarski, Assistant Professor, Education, Trent University Monica Heller, Professor, University of Toronto Judith Adler Hellman, Senior Scholar and Professor Emerita, Politics and Social Science, York University Stephen M. Hellman, Senior Scholar and Professor Emeritus, Department of Politics, York University Sivane Hirsch, Professor, Education Department, Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières Risa Horowitz, Associate Professor, Visual Arts, University of Regina Penelope Ironstone, Department of Communication Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Dan Jacobson, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, University of Calgary JoAnn Jaffe, Professor, Department of Sociology and Social Studies, University of Regina David Kahane, Professor of Political Science, University of Alberta Ivan Kalmar, Professor, University of Toronto Ilan Kapoor, Professor, York University David Kattenburg, University of Manitoba Albert Katz, Professor Emeritus , Dept of Psychology, University of Western Ontario Ariel Katz, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Toronto Ryan M. Katz-Rosene, Assistant Professor, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa W. Reuben Kaufman, Professor Emeritus, Dept. Biological Sciences, University of Alberta Robert Kirchner, PhD. University of Alberta Linguistics Dept., Associate Professor (retired) Martin Klein, Professor (Emeritus), University of Toronto Naomi Klein, Associate Professor of Geography, University of British Columbia Peter Klein, Professor, University of British Columbia Peggy Kohn, Professor, Political Science, University of Toronto Natalie Kouri-Towe, Assistant Professor, Concordia University Jeffrey Kugler, Executive Director (retired), Centre for Urban Schooling, OISE, University of Toronto Michael Lambek, Department of Anthropology, University of Toronto Robert Latham, Department of Politics, York University Gordon Laxer, Professor Emeritus, Political Economy, University of Alberta Michael A. Lebowitz, Professor Emeritus, Economics, Simon Fraser University Barbara Leckie, Professor, Department of English and Institute for Comparative Studies in Literature, Art, and Culture, Carleton University Josh Lepawsky, Memorial University Richard Borshay Lee, University Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto Erica Lehrer, Professor, Concordia University Melissa Levin, Assistant Professor: Teaching Stream, New College, University of Toronto Charles Z. Levkoe, Canada Research Chair in Equitable and Sustainable Food Systems, Department of Health Sciences, Lakehead University Charmain Levy, Professor, Department of Social Sciences, Université du Québec en Outaouais Avi Lewis, Associate Professor of Geography, University of British Columbia Joel Lexchin, Professor Emeritus, School of Health Policy and Management, Faculty of Health, York University Mark Libin, Professor, Department of English, Theatre, Film & Media, University of Manitoba Felice Lifshitz, Professor, University of Alberta Mark Lipton, Professor, University of Guelph, College of Arts Michael Litwack, Assoc. Professor of English and Film Studies, University of Alberta Andrew P. Lyons, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology, Wilfrid Laurier University. Harriet Lyons, Professor Emerita, Department of Anthropology, University of Waterloo Shoshana Magnet, Professor, Institute of Feminist and Gender Studies, University of Ottawa Sara Matthews, Associate Professor, Wilfrid Laurier University Katie Mayerson, Adjunct Professor, Humber College Don Mazer, Associate Professor of Psychology (retired), University of Prince Edward Island Marguerite Mendell, Distinguished Professor Emerita, Concordia University, Montreal Jeffrey B. Meyers, TRU, Law Claire Mummé, Associate Professor, University of Windsor Faculty of Law Dorit Naaman, Full Professor, Film, Media and Cultural Studies, Queen’s University Joanne Naiman, Professor Emerita, Toronto Metropolitan University, Toronto Neil Naiman, Senior Scholar, York University Sheryl Nestel, PhD, Lecturer (retired), Ontario institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto Jesse Salah Ovadia, Associate Professor Department of Political Science, University of Windsor Mo Pareles, Assistant Professor of English, University of British Columbia Shiri Pasternak, Assistant Professor, Criminology, Toronto Metropolitan University Alejandro I. Paz, Associate Professor, University of Toronto Scarborough Karen Pearlston, Professor of Law, University of New Brunswick Shayna Plaut, Adjunct Professor Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Manitoba Natasha Pravaz, Associate Professor, Anthropology and Cultural Analysis and Social Theory, Wilfrid Laurier University Janna Promislow, Faculty of Law, University of Victoria Yakov M. Rabkin, Professor Emeritus, Department of History, University of Montreal Dennis Raphael, Professor of Health Policy and Management, York University Ester Reiter, Professor Emeritus, York University Candida Rifkind, Professor, Department of English, University of Winnipeg Jillian Rogin, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor Richard Roman, University of Toronto Reuben Rose-Redwood, Professor, Department of Geography, University of Victoria Daniel Rosenbaum, MD, FRCPC, Dept. of Psychiatry, University of Toronto Daniel Rosenblatt, Associate Professor, Carleton University Daisy Rosenblum, Institute for Critical Indigenous Studies & Department of Anthropology, The University of British Columbia Annalee Yassi, Professor, Population and Public Health, University of British ColumbiaReuben Roth, Associate Professor, School of Northern and Community Studies, Laurentian University Natalie Rothman, Associate Professor, University of Toronto Scarborough Alan Rutkowski, Librarian (retired), University of Alberta Deborah Rutman, Adjunct Associate Professor, School of Social Work, University of Victoria Ariel Salzmann, Queen’s University Itay Sapir, Associate Professor, Art History, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM) Rebecca Schein, Associate Professor, Interdisciplinary Studies, Carleton University Paula Schwebel, Associate Professor, Philosophy, Toronto Metropolitan University Alan Sears, Professor, Department of Sociology, Toronto Metropolitan University Naomi Seidman, Department for the Study of Religion, University of Toronto Devin Zane Shaw, Regular Faculty, Department of Philosophy and Humanities, Douglas College Lincoln Z. Shlensky, Associate Professor, Department of English, University of Victoria Sara Shneiderman, Associate Professor, Anthropology and School of Public Policy & Global Affairs, University of British Columbia Jerry Spiegel, Professor, Population and Public Health, University of British Columbia Shirley R Steinberg, Ph.D., Research Professor of Critical Youth Studies, The University of Calgary Jonathan Sterne, Professor, McGill University Jeremy Stolow, Department of Communication Studies, Concordia University Mira Sucharov, Professor, Political Science and University Chair of Teaching Innovation, Carleton University Gail Super, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Sociology (UTM), University of Toronto Mark Sussman, Concordia University, Theatre Department/Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies in Society & Culture Donald Swartz, Professor, Carleton University (retired) Vannina Sztainbok, Assistant Professor, Teaching Stream, University of Toronto Judith Taylor, Associate Professor, Sociology and WGSI, University of Toronto Eliot Tretter, Associate Professor, Geography and the Urban Studies Program, University of Calgary Samuel Trosow, Associate Professor, University of Western Ontario, Faculty of Law and Faculty of Information & Media Studies Eric Tucker, Professor Osgoode Hall Law School, York University Brenda Vellino, Department of English/Human Rights, Carleton University Richard Wellen, Associate Professor, Department of Social Science, York University Abraham Weizfeld PhD, former Course Director York University, Departments of Political Science & Social & Political Thought Joel Westheimer, University Research Chair in Democracy & Education, University of Ottawa Daphne Winland, Department of Anthropology, York University Yves Winter, Associate Professor, Political Science, McGill University Lesley Wood, Associate Professor, Sociology, York University Aaron Sidney Wright, Assistant Professor, Dalhousie University and University of King’s College b.h. Yael, Professor, Faculty of Art, OCAD University Maya A. Yampolsky, Assistant Professor, Université Laval Annalee Yassi, Professor, Population and Public Health, University of British Columbia Anna Zalik, Associate Professor, York University Keren Zaiontz, Assistant Professor, Department of Film and Media, Queen’s University Joyce L. Zemans, Professor Emerita, York University Marcia Zemans, M.D. FRCPC, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto Natalie Zemon Davis, Professor of History (retired), University of Toronto Norman Zlotkin, Adjunct Professor, College of Law, University of Saskatchewan Marvin Zuker, OISE, University of Toronto
On February 17, 2016, representatives of the Students, Faculty, Staff, Fellows, and Research Associates of the Simone de Beauvoir Institute (SdBI) voted in unanimous support of the following resolution on the Palestinian call for the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement: As feminist scholars, activists, teachers, and public intellectuals we recognize the interconnectedness of systemic forms of oppression. In the spirit of this perspective, we cannot overlook the injustice and violence, including sexual and gender-based violence, perpetrated against Palestinians and other Arabs in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, within Israel and in the Golan Heights, as well as the colonial displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians during the 1948 Nakba. The discriminatory treatment, exclusion, military siege and apartheid imposed by Israel on its own Palestinian citizens as well as those residing in the occupied territories constitute flagrant breaches of international law, UN resolutions, and fundamental human rights. In the present moment, our counterparts in Palestine face daily violations of their human rights, including their academic rights to free speech, assembly, association, and movement. At the same time, Israeli institutions of higher learning have not challenged, but instead legitimized Israel’s oppressive policies and violations. These violations, which severely impact the daily lives and working conditions of Palestinian scholars, students, and society at large, are also enabled by tax dollars and the tacit support of Western powers, thus making any taxpayer in Canada and the West complicit in perpetuating these injustices. As members of the SdBI who are committed to justice, dignity, equality and peace, we affirm our opposition to the historical and current injustices in Palestine that we view as part and parcel of the multiple oppressions we study and teach about. We also affirm the commitment of the SdBI to principles of human rights, justice and freedom for all, including academic freedom. The SdBI has had a long tradition of welcoming feminists committed to peace. Along the years, the SdBI has organized or sponsored many BDS activities or activities part of Israeli Apartheid week. Therefore, in keeping with the above principles and in line with the SdBI’s history and present commitments, let it be resolved that the SdBI endorses the call by 2 Palestinian civil society for Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) of economic, military, academic and cultural entities and projects sponsored by the state of Israel. In doing so, we join the growing grassroots international consensus and add our voices to a large number of academic associations and entities that adopted similar resolutions in recent years. We add our voices to those who have declared their support for BDS because we believe that boycott, divestment and sanctions are the most effective nonviolent means for achieving justice and peace in the region. The Simone de Beauvoir Institute recognizes that the issue of BDS raises many questions, and sparks heated debate. As feminist educators and students, we promote open dialogue and an educational approach to understanding the issues. In the next pages, we outline some of the key tenets of the resolution and what it implies. We also provide a list of resources for further reading on the topic (see page 12). Simone de Beauvoir Institute Concordia University, Montreal, Quebec April 13, 2016 Please Circulate Media relations: English: Dr. Rachel Berger (rachel.berger@concordia.ca) Français: Dr. Chantal Maillé (chantal.maille@concordia.ca) 3 Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) FAQs 1. What is BDS? BDS is a rights-based movement (for more information, see Barghouti, 2011). On July 13, 2005 the UN International Civil Society Conference adopted the Palestinian call for the boycott, divestment and sanctions movements BDS. BDS is an acronym that stands for “Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions.” It refers to a 2005 call, endorsed by over 170 Palestinian civil society movements, to use non-violent tactics in order to pressure the Israeli government. The call urges various forms of boycott until Israel meets in obligations under international law by: a) Ending its occupation of all Palestinian land; b) Recognizing the fundamental rights of Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; and c) Respecting, promoting, and protecting the rights of Palestinian refugees, as stipulated in UN Resolution 194. 2. Why BDS? We believe that BDS offers a reasoned and effective platform for realizing Palestinians’ human rights because it is committed to non-violent action. For decades, Palestinian resistance movements have been criticized for adopting violent tactics. BDS represents a rejection of violent tactics, building instead a movement grounded in the principles of non-violent resistance. The BDS campaign mobilizes international pressure on the institutions of Israeli apartheid while building solidarity between Palestinians and those outside who believe in a just peace for Palestine. Moreover, the Simone de Beauvoir Institute opposes positions that pre-empt marginalized communities’ abilities to contest and protest the conditions they face. We therefore also believe that limiting non-violent resistance movements such as BDS prevents democracy. 3. In supporting BDS, what political solution to the Israel/Palestine conflict does the SdBI endorse? As feminists standing in solidarity with Palestinians, we understand that it is not our role to decide the terms of their struggle for freedom. Our solidarity is premised upon the core belief that Palestinians must control the terms of their liberation. In supporting BDS, we, at the SdBI, do not take any position on nor endorse a specific policy or political solution to the conflict. While individual BDS activists and advocates may support diverse political solutions, as a movement, BDS does not adopt any specific formula and steers away from the one-stateversus-two-states debate, focusing instead on basic rights and freedom, and international law. 4 4. Is BDS anti-Semitic? No. This assumption comes from the common but erroneous equation between Judaism (religion) and the Israeli policies (state). A great number of Jewish people oppose Israeli policies and/or endorse BDS. As anti-racist feminists, we reject any form of bigotry, including antiJewish racism. We see BDS as an anti-racist movement and this is consistent with statements from leaders of the movement who have affirmed that “the struggle for Palestinian rights is incompatible with any form of racism or bigotry.” 5. Why target Israel? What about other human rights violations in the world? Over many discussions through the years, we have determined that there are enough reasons for the SdBI to endorse the united Palestinian civil society’s call to boycott Israel. Endorsing this boycott neither obligates nor prevents us from taking appropriate action to address any other issue. When other issues emerge that we believe warrants our attention and action, we will consider them with openness and take a position accordingly. 6. Doesn’t BDS harm Palestinians too? Perhaps, however BDS is the tactic that a united Palestinian civil society has chosen. We trust a united Palestinian civil society to be able to weigh the costs and benefits of this action. Similarly, it is entirely possible that a boycott of Israeli academic institutions may cause occasional hardship for certain Israeli scholars. Unfortunately, in the absence of effective action, individual opposition to oppressive policies does nothing to change their institution’s complicity in ongoing rights violations. 7. Does an academic boycott harm academic freedom? No. The academic boycott targets institutions only, not individuals. The SdBI understands boycott as refusing, in its official capacities, to enter into formal collaborations with Israeli academic institutions, or with scholars and students who are expressly serving as representatives of those institutions (such as deans, presidents and others), or on behalf of the Israeli government. We are not endorsing a boycott of Israeli scholars engaged in individuallevel contacts and ordinary forms of academic exchange, including presentations at conferences, public lectures at campuses, and collaboration on research and publication. The academic boycott does not prevent Israeli scholars and students from speaking, writing, or publishing what they wish. The boycott demands that academic freedom be extended to all people who inhabit Palestine and Israel. It states that we will withdraw our support from Israeli academic institutions because they systematically discriminate against Palestinian students. One key demand of the academic boycott is that these institutions respect the academic freedom and rights to education of all people under their sovereignty. 5 8. Do we expect all SdBI members to abide by BDS? We cannot impose this boycott on anyone. If members do not abide by this boycott, that is their choice. Adopting BDS as an Institute makes a statement about what we, as a community of feminists, believe in. Like any community, we are a diverse group with differing opinions. That should not stop us from taking action when it is warranted and supported by a majority of the members. 9. How is BDS connected to education? As members of a Canadian University, we condemn the ways in which Israeli academic institutions restrict Palestinians’ enrollment, persecute students for political involvement, and suppress their freedom of expression. In addition, we commit to continuing to educate ourselves in the following ways: • Give students opportunities to learn about the struggle of Palestinians, including teaching about the BDS movement. • Assist our students in developing an understanding of the gendered dimensions of colonial relations of power and resistance in Israel and Palestine and in other historical and contemporary contexts. • Actively support the movement by sponsoring related community events. • Recognize the BDS movement as integrally connected to efforts to end occupation and militarism, and to seek justice worldwide. 10. How is BDS connected to feminism? At the SdBI, we understand feminism to be a broad movement toward social justice. We share and are inspired by the values expressed by the December 2015 U.S. National Women’s Studies Association in their declaration of support for BDS and call for feminist solidarity with Palestinians. They state: “As feminist activists, scholars, teachers and intellectuals who recognize the interconnectedness of systemic forms of oppression, we cannot overlook the injustice and violence, including sexual and gender-based violence, perpetrated against Palestinians”. Following their lead, we similarly regard our resolution in support of BDS as “an act of transnational solidarity aimed at social transformation for a better world (see the website http://www.ifjpjournal.org/). ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Some of the content of this FAQ was borrowed and adapted from the resources of the National Women’s Studies Association (NWSA), the American Studies Association (ASA), and the American Anthropological Association (AAA). For answers to more frequently asked questions by members of AAA, please see: http://savageminds.org/2014/07/15/anthropologistsrespond-to-frequently-asked-questions-about-a-aaa-bds-resolution/ Web sites / Sites web • The BDS movement: https://bdsmovement.net/ • Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI): http://www.pacbi.org/ • Jewish Voices for Peace: https://jewishvoiceforpeace.org/boycott-divestment-andsanctions/jvp-supports-the-bds-movement/ • Israeli newspaper Haaretz: http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.709661 Recent book and articles / Livre et articles récents • Barghouti, O. (2011). BDS: Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions. The global struggle for Palestinian rights. Chicago, IL: Haymarket Books. • Bhandar, B. (2014). Some reflections on BDS and feminist political solidarity. Feminist@law: An open access journal of feminist legal scholarship, 4(1). • Goldsmith, M. (2015). From the river to the sea: Israel, Palestine, and queer/feminist ecologies. UnderCurrents: Journal of Critical Environmental Studies, 19, 17-26. • Gottlieb, L. (2015). Nonviolence, BDS, and the dream of beloved community in Palestine/Israel. Tikkun, 30(4), 23-25. • Lloyd, D. (2014). It is our belief that Palestine is a feminist issue. Feminist@law: An open access journal of feminist legal scholarship, 4(1). • Shalhoub-Kevorkian, N. (2014). Palestinian feminist critique and the physics of power: Feminists between thought and practice. Feminist@law: An open access journal of feminist legal scholarship, 4(1). • Sharif, R. (2014). Bodies, buses and permits: Palestinians navigating care. Feminist@law: An open access journal of feminist legal scholarship, 4(1). • Sharoni, S., Abdulhadi, R., Al-Ali, N., Eaves, F., Lentin, R., & Siddiqi, D. (2015). Transnational feminist solidarity in times of crisis: The Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement and justice in/for Palestine. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 17(4), 654-670.
Open Letter to university community regarding Palestinian Rights and Canadian Universities
The last two years have seen increasing efforts to limit advocacy of Palestinian rights on Canadian universities, amounting to a pattern of the suppression of freedom of speech and freedom of assembly. These include:
Statements from 19 university presidents in the summer of 2007 to foreclose debate on the academic boycott of Israel, citing “academic freedom”. Visits to Israel by eight university presidents in the summer of 2008, with no equivalent outreach to Palestinian institutions. Efforts to ban the use of the term “Israeli Apartheid” at McMaster University in February-March 2008, overturned only through a campaign of protest Discipline against students involved in peaceful protests for Palestinian rights at York University in March in 2008 Attempted discipline against a faculty member who addressed a rally against Israeli Apartheid at York University in 2008 A pattern of cancellation of room bookings for meetings concerning Palestinian rights at the University of Toronto and York University in 2008 The use of security clearance requirements and fees to cover security costs to impede campus meetings about Palestinian rights
We the undersigned:
Defend the right to freedom of speech about Palestine for all members of the university community, including freedom to use the term ‘apartheid’ to identify and debate certain policies associated with the state of Israel and the freedom to support, facilitate and participate freely in activities under the rubric of “Israeli apartheid week” Call for an end to the silencing of speech around Palestine, removing extraordinary requirements for security clearance and fees for security services Support increased ties to Palestinian institutions and scholars, and activities to support the right to education and academic freedom of Palestinians
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Gamal Abdel-Shehid, Associate Professor, Kinesiology and Health Science, York University Nahla Abdo, Professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Carleton University Baha Abu-Laban, Professor Emeritus, Sociology, University of Alberta Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Professor, Political Science, University of Alberta Nadia Abu-Zahra , Assistant Professor, School of International Development and Global Studies, University of Ottawa Mary Louise Adams, Associate Professor, Sociology/Kinesiology and Health Studies, Queen’s University Greg Albo, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, York University Mehrunnisa Ali, Professor, Early Childhood Education, Ryerson University Paul Antze, Associate Professor, Health & Society, Division of Social Science, York University Sima Aprahamian, Sociology-Anthropology & Simone de Beauvoir Institute, Concordia University Sedef Arat-Koc, Associate Professor, Dept. of Politics & Public Administration, Ryerson University Katherine Arnup, Associate Professor, School of Canadian Studies, Carleton University Rima Azar, Assistant Professor, Psychology Department, Mount Allison University Sylvat Aziz, Associate Professor, Department of Art, Queen’s University Feyzi Baban, Associate Professor, Politics Department, Trent University Susan Babbitt, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, Queens University Dr. John Baglow, returning student, Carleton University Reem Bahdi, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor Abigail B. Bakan, Professor, Political Studies, Queens University NJ Baker, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Nipissing University Patricia Balcom, Professeure titulaire, Université de Moncton Himani Bannerji, Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Deborah Barndt, Professor, Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University Amy Bartholomew, Associate Professor, Department of Law, Carleton University Elena Basile, Sexual Diversity Studies Program, University College, University of Toronto Gregory Baum, professor emeritus, McGill University Pierre Beaudet, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Ottawa Micheline Beaudry, Professor (retired), Université Laval Roger Beck, Professor emeritus, Dept. of Historical Studies, University of Toronto-Mississauga Jean-François Belzile, Coordonnateur, Department de philosophie, cégep André-Laurendeau Rachel Berger, Assistant Professor, History, Concordia University Jody Berland, Associate Professor, Division of Humanities, York University Beverley Best, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Sociology and Anthropology, Concordia University Richard Bevis, Professor Emeritus of English, University of British Columbia Davina Bhandar, Assistant Professor, Canadian Studies, Trent University Tim Blackmore, Associate Professor, Information & Media Studies, University of Western Ontario Malcolm Blincow, Associate Professor, Anthropology, York University Meyer Brownstone, Professor emeritus, Political Science, University of Toronto Julie-Anne Boudreau, Associate professor, Institut national de la recherche scientifique, Montreal Marion Boulby, Associate Professor, Department of History, Trent University Lara Braitstein, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Religious Studies, McGill University Mordecai Briemberg (retired faculty), Douglas College Deborah Brock, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Bill Burgess, Geography and Geology, Kwantlen Polytechnic University Mike Burke, Department of Politics and Public Administration, Ryerson University Helmut Burkhardt, Professor of Physics Emeritus, Ryerson University Jenny Burman, Assistant Professor, Art History & Communication Studies, McGill University Kristin Burnett, Assistant Professor, History Department, Lakehead University Steven Bush, Senior Lecturer, University College Drama Program, University of Toronto Doris Buss, Associate Professor, Law Department, Carleton University Paula Butler, Assistant Professor, Women’s Studies, Trent University David Butz, Professor, Department of Geography, Brock University Siobhan Byrne, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta James Cairns, Assistant Professor, Wilfrid Laurier University (Brantford Campus) David Camfield, Assistant Professor, Labour Studies, University of Manitoba Dominique Caouette, Professeur adjoint, Dép. de science politique, Université de Montréal Anna Carastathis, Part-time Faculty, Simone de Beauvoir Institute, Concordia University William K. Carroll, Professor , Department of Sociology, University of Victoria Debra Chapman, Contract Faculty, Dept. Political Science; Global Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University R. Cheran, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Windsor Robert Chernomas, Professor of Economics, University of Manitoba Peter Chidiac, Associate Professor, Schulich School of Medicine & Dentistry, University of Western Ontario Sally Chivers, Associate Professor, Canadian Studies, Trent University Aziz Choudry, Faculty of Education, McGill University Donna M. Chovanec, Assistant Professor, Educational Policy Studies, University of Alberta David Clipsham, Senior Scholar, English Department, Glendon College, York University Lynne Cohen, Retired faculty, University of Ottawa Janet Conway, Canada Research Chair in Social Justice, Dept. of Sociology, Brock University Deborah Cook, Professor, Department of Philosophy, University of Windsor David Cooke, Senior Scholar, York University Kendra Coulter, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Windsor Rebecca Coulter, Professor, Education, University of Western Ontario Jocelyne Couture, Professeur associée, Département de philosophie, U. du Québec à Montréal Deborah Cowen, Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, University of Toronto Stuart Cryer, Professor, Workforce Development, Cambrian College of Applied Arts & Technology Dara Culhane, Associate Professor, Dept. of Anthropology, Simon Fraser University Dia Da Costa, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Queens University Tania Das Gupta, Chair, School of Social Sciences, York University Edwin E. Daniel, FRSC, Professor Emeritus, McMaster University Steve D’Arcy, Assistant Professor, Philosophy, University of Western Ontario Howard S. Davidson, Associate Professor, Extended Education, University of Manitoba Jacqueline M. Davies, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, Queen’s University Chandler Davis, Professor Emeritus, Dept. of Mathematics, University of Toronto Mary Ellen Davis, Part-time faculty and film-maker, School of Cinema, Concordia University Richard J.F. Day, Associate Professor, Sociology; Cultural Studies, Queens University Misao Dean, Professor, Department of English, University of Victoria Maneesha Deckha, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Victoria Mario DeGiglio-Bellemare, Professor, Humanities, John Abbott College Kari Dehli, Chair, Dept. of Sociology and Equity Studies in Education, OISE/University of Toronto Michel Desjardins, Professor and Chair, Global Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University James Deutsch, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto Rita Dhamoon, Faculty, Dept. of Philosophy & Political Science, University of the Fraser Valley Susan Dion, Associate Professor, Faculty of Education, York University Richard Douglass-Chin, Assistant Professor, Department of English, University of Windsor Enakshi Dua, Associate Professor, School of Women’s Studies, York University Karen Dubinsky, Professor, History, Queens University Martin Duckworth, Part-time faculty and film-maker, School of Cinema, Concordia University Geneviève A. Dumas, Professor, Mechanical and Materials Engineering, Queen’s University Nick Dyer-Witheford, Associate Professor, Information & Media Studies, University of Western Ontario Peter Eglin, Professor of Sociology, Wilfrid Laurier University Margrit Eichler, Professor, Sociology and Equity Studies in Education, OISE-University of Toronto Ivar Ekeland, FRSC, Canada Research Chair in Mathematical Economics, University of British Columbia Christo El Morr, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Health, York University Munir El-Kassem, Assistant Professor, School of Medicine & Dentistry, Univ. of Western Ontario Samir El-Omari, Assistant Professor, Dept of Building, Civil & Environmental Eng., Concordia University John Ennis, retired, Head of School of Humanities, Waterford Institute of Technology, Ireland Norman Epstein, Prof. Emeritus, Chemical and Biological Engineering, Univ. of British Columbia Jamey Essex, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Windsor Bryan Evans, Associate Professor, Dept. of Politics and Public Administration, Ryerson University Patricia M. Evans, Professor, School of Social Work, Carleton University Mohammad Fadel, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Toronto David Fancy, Assistant Professor, Department of Dramatic Arts, Brock University Randa Farah, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Western Ontario Sue Ferguson, Assistant Professor, Journalism and Contemporary Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Len Findlay,Professor of English, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon Peter Fitting, Emeritus professor, University of Toronto Mireya Folch-Serra, Professor Emerita, Dept. of Geography, University of Western Ontario Anne Forrest, Director, Women’s Studies, University of Windsor Paul Forster, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, University of Ottawa Scott Forsyth, Associate Professor, Film and Political Science, York University Maximilian C. Forte, Department of Sociology & Anthropology, Concordia University Pascale Fournier, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa Margot Francis, Assistant Professor, Women’s Studies/Sociology, Brock University Linda Freeman, Professor, Department of Political Science, Carleton University Gavin Fridell, Assistant Professor, Department of Politics, Trent University Doreen Fumia, Department of Sociology, Ryerson University Yuriko Furuhata, Assistant Professor, East Asian Studies, McGill University Mark Gabbert, Associate Professor, History, University of Manitoba Monika Kin Gagnon, Associate Professor, Communication Studies, Concordia University Grace-Edward Galabuzi, Associate Professor, Dept. of Politics & Public Administration, Ryerson University Charlene M. Gannagé, Associate Professor, Sociology, Anthropology & Criminology, University of Windsor Neil Gardner, Dept. d’anglais, Université de Moncton Patrizia Gentile, Assistant Professor, Women’s and Gender Studies, Carleton University Dina Georgis, Assistant Professor, Women and Gender Studies Institute, University of Toronto Qais Ghanem, Associate Professor, Faculty of Medicine, University of Ottawa Amal Ghazal, Assistant Professor, Department of History, Dalhousie University Emily Gilbert, Associate Professor, Canadian Studies and Geography, University of Toronto Amanda Glasbeek, Assistant Professor, Division of Social Science, York University Harry Glasbeek, Professor Emeritus and Senior Scholar, York University Susan Gold/Smith, Professor, Visual Arts, University of Windsor Mark Golden, Department of Classics, University of Winnipeg Cy Gonick, University of Manitoba, Publisher, Canadian Dimension magazine Mark J. Goodman, Undergraduate Program Director, School of Social Sciences,York University Kanishka Goonewardena, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, University of Toronto Todd Gordon, Assistant Professor, Canadian Studies, University of Toronto Rachel Gorman, Lecturer, Women and Gender Studies Institute, University of Toronto Kevin Gould, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Geography, Planning & Environment, Concordia Janice Graham, Professor, Bioethics, Dalhousie University John Greyson, Assistant Professor, Department of Film, York University Ricardo Grinspun, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, York University Julie Guard, Associate Professor, Labour Studies, University of Manitoba Nancy Guberman, Professeure, École de Travail social, Université du Québec à Montréal Shubhra Gururani, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, York University André Habib, Adjunct Professor, Université de Montréal Jasmin Habib, Associate Professor, Anthropology, University of Waterloo Nadia Habib, Contract Faculty, York University Ratiba Hadj-Moussa, Associate Prof. Agrégée, Department Sociology, York University Laam Hae, Assistant Professor, Political Science, York University Judy Haiven, Associate Professor, Department of Management, Saint Mary’s University Larry Haiven, Associate Professor, Department of Management, Saint Mary’s University Budd L. Hall, Director, Office of Community-Based Research, University of Victoria Randolph Haluza-DeLay, Assistant Professor, Sociology, The King’s University College Paul Hamel, Professor, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto Paul Handford, Associate Professor, Biology Department, University of Western Ontario Bob Hanke, Contract Faculty, York University Elizabeth Hanson, Professor, English, Queens University Jens Hanssen, Assistant Professor, Middle Eastern History, University of Toronto Michelle Hartman, Associate Professor, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University Sumi Hasegawa, Faculty Lecturer, Department of East Asian Studies, McGill University Gita Hashemi, Contract Faculty, Visual Arts, York Univ.; New Media, University of Toronto (Scarborough) Amir Hassanpour, Associate Professor, Dept. of Near & Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto David Heap, Associate Professor, French Studies & Linguistics, University of Western Ontario Karl Hele, Director, First Nations Studies, University of Western Ontario Henry Heller, Professor, Department of History, University of Manitoba Rob Heynen, Contract Faculty, Political Science and Social Science, York University Margaret Hobbs, Associate Professor, Women’s Studies, Trent University Julian Holland, Part-Time Faculty, Dept. of English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University John Holmes, Professor, Department of Geography, Queen’s University Jennifer Ruth Hosek, Assistant Professor, Department of German, Queen’s University Derek Hrynyshyn, Contract Faculty, Political Science and Labour Studies, McMaster University John Huot, Professor (retired), School of Social and Community Services, Humber College Adrienne Hurley, Assistant Professor, Department of East Asian Studies, McGill University Adnan A. Husain, Department of History, Queen’s University Esam Hussein, Professor, Department of Mechanical Engineering, University of New Brunswick Christopher Huxley, Professor, Sociology and International Development Studies, Trent University Christina Ionescu, Assistant Professor, Modern Languages & Literatures, Mount Allison University Jacqueline S. Ismael, Professor, Social Work, University of Calgary Shereen Ismael, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, Carleton University Tareq Y. Ismael, Professor, Political Science, University of Calgary Kajri Jain, Assistant Prof. Dept. of History of Art; Centre for Visual & Media Culture, University of Toronto Sandra Jeppesen, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Communication Studies, Concordia University Yasmin Jiwani, Associate Professor, Communication Studies, Concordia University Jennifer Johnson, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Women’s Studies, Laurentian University Steven Jordan, Chair, Department of Integrated Studies in Education, McGill University Ilan Kapoor, Associate Professor, Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University Michael Keefer, Professor, School of English and Theatre Studies, University of Guelph Paul Kelley, Adjunct Professor, Department of English, Queen’s University Catherine Kellogg, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Paul Kellogg, Assistant Professor, Dept. of International Development Studies, Trent University Jennifer Kelly, Associate professor, Dept. of Educational Policy Studies, University of Alberta Jane Kelsey, Visiting Professor, Law, University of Western Ontario Kamala Kempadoo, Associate Professor, Social Science, York University RM Kennedy, Vice President, OPSEU Local 558, Centennial College Gerald Kernerman, Refugee Studies, York University Muhammad Ali Khalidi, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, York University Shahnaz Khan, Associate Professor, Women’s Studies & Global Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Alex Khasnabish, Assistant Professor, Sociology and Anthropology, Mount Saint Vincent University Samantha King, Associate Professor, School of Physical Health & Education, Queen’s University Paul Kingston, Department of Social Sciences, University of Toronto, Scarborough Gary Kinsman, Full Professor, Department of Sociology, Laurentian University Stefan Kipfer, Associate Professor, Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University Mustafa Koc, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Ryerson University Denis Kosseim, Département de philosophie, Collège André-Laurendeau Kirsten Kozolanka, Assistant Professor, Journalism and Communication, Carleton University Atif Kubursi, Professor Emeritus, Department of Economics, McMaster University Clarice Kuhling, Contract Faculty, Dept. of Sociology & Global Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Peter Kulchyski, Professor, Department of Native Studies, University of Manitoba Blair Kuntz, Librarian, University of Toronto Thomas Lamarre, Professor, Department of East Asian Studies, McGill University Tom Langford, Associate Professor, Sociology, University of Calgary Sylvie Laramée, Dept. de philosophie, Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières Marianne Larsen, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Education, University of Western Ontario Alex Latta, Assistant Professor, Department of Global Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Anne Latendresse, Professeure agrégée, Dépt. de géographie, Univ. du Québec à Montréal Lynn Lavallee, Assistant Professor, Social Work, Ryerson University Bonita Lawrence, Native Studies, School of Social Sciences, York University David Leadbeater, Associate Professor, Department of Economics, Laurentian University Paul Leduc Browne, Professeur, Dept. de Travail Social, Université du Québec en Outaouais Richard Borshay Lee, University Professor Emeritus, Anthropology, University of Toronto Winnie Lem, Professor and Chair, International Development Studies, Trent University Suzanne Lenon, Assistant Professor, Women’s Studies, University of Lethbridge David Lethbridge, College Professor, Psychology, Okanagan College, Salmon Arm Campus Christopher Levenson, Adjunct Professor, English Department, Carleton University Andrée Lévesque, professeure à la retraite/post-retirement, History Department, McGill University Charmain Levy, Professeur, Department de Travail Social, Université du Québec en Outaouais Abby Lippman, Professor, Dept. of Epidemiology, Biostatistics, & Occupational Health, McGill U. Margaret Little, Full Professor, Women’s Studies/Political Studies, Queen’s University Susan Lord, Department of Film Studies, Queen’s University Ken Luckhardt, Lecturer, Social Justice and Peace Studies, Kings University College, UWO Andrew Lugg, Professor emeritus, University of Ottawa Rashmi Luther, Lecturer, School of Social Work, Carleton University Michael Lynk, Associate Dean (Academic), Faculty of Law, University of Western Ontario Peyton Lyon, Professor, Political Science, Carleton University Michael C.K. Ma, Contract Faculty, Department of Political Science, McMaster University Bob MacDermid, Associate Professor, Political Science, York University Eva Mackey, Associate Professor, School of Canadian Studies, Carleton University Audrey Macklin, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Toronto Bonnie MacLachlan, Associate Professor, Classical Studies, University of Western Ontario Shoshana Magnet, Postdoctoral Fellow, Art History & Communication Studies, McGill University Gada Mahrouse, Assistant Professor, Simone de Beauvoir Institute, Concordia University David Mandel, Professeur, Dept. de science politique, Université du Québec à Montréal Linzi Manicom, Writing Instructor, University of Toronto Thomas Marois, SSHRC Post Doctoral Fellow, Dept. of Global Development Studies, Queen’s U. Egla Martinez, Assistant Professor, Interdisc, Studies/Women’s & Gender Studies, Carleton Univ. Juan Carlos Martinez, Associate Professor, Modern Languages & Literatures, Mount Allison U. Marie-Josée Massicotte, Professeure adjointe, École d’études politiques, Université d’Ottawa Sara Matthews, Contract Faculty, Global Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Rosanna Maule, Associate Professor, Film Studies, Concordia University David McDonald, Professor, Department of Global Development Studies, Queen’s University Sharon McIrvin Abu-Laban, Professor Emeritus, Department of Sociology, University of Alberta J.J. McMurtry, Assistant Professor, Coordinator, Business and Society Program, York University David McNally, Professor, Political Science, York University Lorraine McNeil, School of Language and Liberal Studies, Fanshawe College Anne Meneley, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, Trent University Donna Mergler, professeure émérite, Dépt. des sciences biologiques, Université du Québec à Montréal Suzanne Mills, Assistant Professor, Labour Studies, McMaster University Dieter Misgeld, Professor Emeritus, Dept. of Theory and Policy Studies, University of Toronto Haideh Moghissi, Professor, School of Women’s Studies and Social Sciences,York University Shahrzad Mojab, Professor, Dept. of Adult Education/Counselling Psychology, OISE/University of Toronto Patricia Molloy, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Communication Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Kevin Moloney, Contract faculty, Dept. of Languages, Literatures and Linguistics, York University Ken Montgomery, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Education, University of Regina Rodica Monnet, Professor, Comparative Literature, University of Montreal Colin Mooers, Professor, Dept. of Politics & Public Administration, Ryerson University Shree Mulay, Professor, Faculty of Medicine, Memorial University Gloria Mulcahy, Faculty of Education, University of Western Ontario Eileen Muller Myrdahl, Contract Faculty, University of Lethbridge Tiffany Muller Myrdahl, Faculty, Women’s Studies, University of Lethbridge Karen Bridget Murray, Assistant Professor, Political Science, York University Dorit Naaman, Associate Professor, Film Studies, Queens University Denise Nadeau, Contract Faculty, Concordia; Director Interfaith Summer Institute, Simon Fraser University Mary-Jo Nadeau, Assistant Professor, Deparment of Sociology, Wilfrid Laurier University Nima Naghibi, Assistant Professor, Department of English,Ryerson University Joanne Naiman, Professor Emerita, Department of Sociology, Ryerson University Neil Naiman, Senior Scholar, English Department, Glendon College, York University Reza Nakhaie, Professor, Sociology and Anthropology, University of Windsor James Naylor, Associate Professor, Department of History, Brandon University Sheryl Nestel, Lecturer, Department of Sociology and Equity Studies, OISE-University of Toronto Michael Neumann, Professor, Department of Philosophy, Trent University Melanie Newton, Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Toronto Judith A. Nicholson, Assistant Professor, Department of Communication Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Kai Nielsen, Adjunct Professor, Department of Philosophy, Concordia University Khaled Nigim, Professor, School of Technology and Applied Science, Lambtob College Jon Nissenbaum, Assistant Professor, Department of Linguistics, McGill University Marielle Nitoslawska, Professor, Cinema, Concordia University David F. Noble, Professor, Department of History, York University Jeff Noonan, Associate Professor of Philosophy, University of Windsor Máire Noonan, Faculty Lecturer, Department of Linguistics, McGill University Carlos Novas, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Sociology and Anthropology, Carleton University Sam Noumoff, Retired faculty, McGill University Peter Nyers, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, McMaster University Carol-Anne O’Brien, School of Social Work, Ryerson University Colleen O’Manique, Associate Professor, Women’s Studies, Trent University Pat O’Riley, Assistant Professor, School of Social Sciences,York University Reecia Orzeck, University of Vermont Patricia Palulis, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Education, University of Ottawa Leo Panitch, Canada Research Chair, Professor of Political Science, York University Margaret Pappano, Associate Professor, English, Queens University Sylvie Paquerot , Professeure École d’études politiques, Université d’Ottawa Janice Paquette, Sociology, Vanier College, Montreal Anthony Paré, Professor, Faculty of Education, McGill University Hijin Park, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Brock University Justin Paulson, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Carleton University Alejandro Paz, Assistant Professor of Anthropology/Humanities, University of Toronto Scarborough James Penney, Associate Professor, Cultural Studies Program, Trent University Adele Perry, Associate Professor, History, University of Manitoba Nalini Persram, Associate Professor, Division of Social Science, York University John Peters, Dept of Political Science, Laurentian University James Petras, Professor emeritus (Binghamton) and Adjunct Professor (St. Marys University) Dennis Pilon, Political Science Department, University of Victoria, BC Justin Podur, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University Gordon Pon, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, Ryerson University John P. Portelli, Professor & Associate Chair, Dept. Theory & Policy Studies, OISE/U. of Toronto Garry Potter, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Wilfrid Laurier University Nicola Pratt, Lecturer, Social & International Studies, University of East Anglia, UK Helen Pridmore, Associate Professor of Music, Mount Allison University Scott Prudham, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, University of Toronto Trevor Purvis, Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Carleton University Rebecca Raby, Associate Professor, Department of Child and Youth Studies, Brock University Mary-Beth Raddon, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Brock University Najat Rahman, Professeure agrégée, Dép. de littérature comparée Université de Montréal Saeed Rahnema, Professor, Political Science and Public Policy and Admin, York University Diana Ralph, Associate Professor, School of Social Work, Carleton University Omar M. 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Reilly, Professor, Dept. of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto Heidi Rimke, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Winnipeg Carla Rice, Associate Professor, Women’s Studies, Trent University Herman Rosenfeld, Contract faculty, Labour Studies, McMaster University Stephanie Ross, Assistant Professor, Labour Studies Programme, Div. of Social Science, York University Marty Roth, Professor emeritus of English, University of Minnesota Reuben Roth, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Sociology and Labour Studies Pgm, Laurentian University E. Natalie Rothman, Assistant Professor of History, Department of Humanities, University of Toronto Scarborough Matthew Rowlinson, Dept. of English; Centre for Theory and Criticism, Univ. of Western Ontario Blair Rutherford, Associate Professor, Dept. of Sociology & Anthropology, Carleton University Kim Rygiel, Institute on Globalization and the Human Condition, McMaster University John Sakeris, Professor Emeritus, Sociology, Ryerson University Trish Salah, Contract Faculty, Bishop’s & Concordia Universities Ariel Salzmann, Associate Professor, History, Queens University Mela Sarkar, Associate Professor, Dept. of Integrated Studies in Education, McGill University John S. Saul, Emeritus Professor, Social and Political Science, York University Veronica Schild, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of Western Ontario Lawrence E. 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Smith, Professor of Sociology, Brock University Jesook Song, Associate Professor, Department of East Asian Studies, University of Toronto Susan Spronk, Assistant Professor, School of International Development and Global Studies, University of Ottawa Sarita Srivastava, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Queen’s University Daiva Stasiulis, Professor of Sociology, Carleton University Mercedes Steedman, Professor of Labour Studies, Laurentian University Candis Steenbergen, Contract Faculty, Concordia University Andrew Stevens, Teaching Fellow, Queen’s University, Department of Sociology Paul Stevens, Professor & Canada Research Chair in English Literature, University of Toronto Christopher Darius Stonebanks, Associate Professor, Education, Bishop’s University Aparna Sundar, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Ryerson University Donald Swartz, School of Public Policy & Administration, Carleton University Itrath Syed, Instructor, Women’s Studies, Langara College Jeff Taylor, Professor, Labour Studies, Athabasca University Lisa Taylor, Associate Professor, School of Education, Bishop’s University Nancy Thede, Professeure, Dép. de science politique, Université du Québec à Montréal Sophie Thériault, Professeure adjointe, Faculté de droit, Université d’Ottawa Sunera Thobani, Associate Professor, Women’s and Gender Studies, Univ. of British Columbia David Thomas, Assistant Professor, International Relations, Mount Allison University Mark Thomas, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Samuel Trosow, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Western Ontario Steven Tufts, Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, York University Tamara Vukov, Postdoctoral Fellow, Art History and Communication Studies, McGill University Naomi Binder Wall, Contract faculty, University Partnership Centre, Georgian College Rinaldo Walcott, Associate Professor, OISE, University of Toronto Robert Ware, Prof. Emeritus (Philosophy), U. Calgary; Adjunct Professor, University of British Columbia Samantha Wehbi, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, Ryerson University Abraham Weizfeld, retired, Political Science and Social and Political Thought, York University David Welch, professeur, École de service social, Université d’Ottawa Laura Westra, Professor Emerita (Philosophy) & Instructor, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor Martha Wiebe, Instructor, School of Social Work, Carleton University Anna Willats, Faculty, George Brown College, Toronto Carol Williams, Associate Professor, Women’s Studies, Trent University David Winter, Assistant Professor, Department of History, Brandon University James Winter, Professor of Communication Studies, University of Windsor Lesley Wood, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Cynthia Wright, Contract faculty, Women’s Studies/Geography/Sociology, York University David Wurfel, Professor Emeritus, Political Science, University of Windsor b.h. Yael, Professor, Ontario College of Art and Design (OCAD) Mustafa Yavuz, Associate Professor, Mechanical & Mechatronics Engineering, Univ. of Waterloo Daniel Yon, Associate Professor, Dept of Anthropology; Faculty of Education, York University Anna Zalik, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University Isik Zeytinoglu, Professor of Management and Industrial Relations, McMaster University Mehmet Zeytinoglu, Dept. of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Ryerson University Jasmin Zine, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Wilfrid Laurier University Elia Zureik, Professor Emeritus, Sociology, Queens University
The letter will remain open for signing as long as there is significant demand to sign on, and an updated version of the letter will be re-sent to its addressees for every 500 new signatories.
August 10, 2014
To The Right Honourable Stephen Harper, PC, MP, Prime Minister of Canada The Honourable John Baird, PC, MP, Minister of Foreign Affairs The Honourable Thomas Mulcair, PC, MP, Leader of the Official Opposition Mr Paul Dewar, MP, Official Opposition Critic for Foreign Affairs Mr Justin Trudeau, MP, Leader of the Liberal Party Mr Marc Garneau, MP, Foreign Affairs Critic for the Liberal Party
Dear Prime Minister, Minister Baird, Mr Mulcair, Mr Dewar, Mr Trudeau, and Mr Garneau,
We, the undersigned academics, professors, lawyers, community leaders, and prominent community members, are profoundly perturbed by the unbalanced and partisan position adopted by the Canadian Government and federal political parties regarding the current violence in Gaza. While more than 1900 Palestinians – 75% civilians, according to the United Nations – have been killed in Israel’s latest military operation, official statements have focused exclusively on denouncing Hamas’s rocket strikes (responsible for three fatalities) and uncritically proclaiming Israel’s right to self-defence.
While Hamas’s indiscriminate rocket firings are illegal under international law, Israel is still bound by basic international humanitarian law principles protecting civilians during times of war and prohibiting collective punishment. Indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks on civilian life and infrastructure in Gaza violate fundamental norms of international law. As of August 10, the toll of the ongoing offensive (the third major military assault on Gaza in six years) includes (according to United Nations figures):
at least 456 children killed, including four by missile strike while playing soccer on a Gaza beach; 9 806 Palestinians injured (it is uncertain how many are civilians, but the number includes 2 979 children, 1 903 women, and 356 elderly); 11 855 homes destroyed or severely damaged (with at least 945 homes directly targetted by Israeli airstrikes); 425 000 people displaced; at least 150 schools, two universities, four kindergartens, and 33 health facilities damaged (including the destruction of al-Wafa Hospital, the only rehabilitation hospital in Gaza and the West Bank) the destruction of Gaza’s sole power plant.
And the toll increases by the hour.
Multiple human rights groups have documented and condemned likely Israeli war crimes in Gaza. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay concluded on July 11 that “Deeply disturbing reports that many of the civilian casualties, including of children, occurred as a result of strikes on homes . . . raise serious doubt about whether the Israeli strikes have been in accordance with international humanitarian law and international human rights law.” On July 23, Ms Pillay confirmed: “There seems to be a strong possibility that international law has been violated [by Israel’s military actions in the Gaza Strip], in a manner that could amount to war crimes.” On July 31, Ms Pillay stated that Israeli attacks on homes, schools, hospitals, and United Nations premises “appear to be [in] deliberate defiance of obligations that international law imposes on Israel.”
Amnesty International’s July 11 analysis observed, “In several cases of [air strikes on civilian homes in Gaza], no evidence has emerged to indicate that the alleged ‘Hamas operatives’ were inside the homes at the time of the attack, that the homes were being used to store munitions, or otherwise being used for military purposes.” According to Philip Luther, Director of Amnesty’s Middle East and North Africa Programme: “Unless the Israeli authorities can provide specific information to show how a home is being used to make an effective contribution to military actions, deliberately attacking civilian homes constitutes a war crime and also amounts to collective punishment against the families.” Subsequent Amnesty reports indicate that Israel’s attacks on United Nations schools, medical facilties, civilian areas, and the Gaza’s only power plant likely constitute war crimes.
Human Rights Watch similarly found that “Israeli air attacks . . . have been targeting apparent civilian structures and killing civilians in violation of the laws of war.” On August 4, Human Rights Watch reported that “Israeli forces in the southern Gaza town of Khuza’a fired on and killed civilians in apparent violation of the laws of war in several incidents between July 23 and 25, 2014. Deliberate attacks on civilians who are not participating in the fighting are war crimes.”
The disregard for international law conveyed by the Government’s silence on such potentially grave violations committed by Israel discredits Canada domestically and internationally. Moreover, adoption of such a one-sided position subverts Canada’s own official foreign policy goal of achieving a “comprehensive, just and lasting peace settlement” between Israel and Palestine. Rather than maintaining a studious silence in the face of these documented violations of international humanitarian law, a true friend would act responsibly and call Israel to account for those violations.
As a country claiming to champion universal human rights and dignity, Canada’s foreign policy must align with international law, and reflect the equal value of Palestinian and Israeli life. The callous devaluation of Palestinian life communicated by our political leaders does not represent us. Yours sincerely,
Dr Saba Abbas, Research Assistant, York University Rawan Abdelbaki, graduate student, York University Dr Basma Abdelgafar, A/Professor, Qatar University Imtenan Abd El Razik, lawyer Dr Rula Jurdi Abisaab, Associate Professor, McGill University Dr Sanaa Abo Aisha, MD Dr Jihad Abouali, Orthopaedic Surgery, University of Toronto Dr Ayman Abou Mehrem, Clinical Assistant Professor, University of Calgary Dr Christopher Abraham, Assistant Professor of Radiology, Queen’s University Sandra Abraham, Intercultural Management Group (Kamloops, British Columbia) Dr Tara H Abraham, Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Guelph Dr Ayoub Abu-Dayyeh, President, Energy Conservation Society Dr Izzeldin Abuelaish, Associate Professor of Global Health, Dalla Lana School of Public Health, University of Toronto Dr Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Dr Nadia Abu-Zahra, Assistant Professor, School of International Development and Global Studies Mark Achbar, documentary filmmaker Dr Mary Louise Adams, Professor, School of Kinesiology and Health Studies, Queen’s University Dr Laurie Adkin, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Dr Ghada Ageel, Visiting Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Mohsen Ahanji, graduate student, Ryerson University Aria Ilyad Ahmad, PhD candidate, Balsillie School of International Affairs; WHO Global Health Fellow Huma Ahmad, community organizer; graduate student, University of Victoria Dr Javaid Ahmad, Civil Engineering, University of Windsor Saad Ahmad, lawyer Dr Khursheed Ahmed, Retired Professor, McMaster University Dr Rumee Ahmed, Assistant Professor of Islamic Law, University of British Columbia Sharry Aiken, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Queen’s University Saeed Akbari, PhD candidate, Department of Mechanical and Industrial Engineering, University of Toronto Dr Roxana Akhbari, PhD student, Philosophy, University of Alberta Dr Hind Al-Abadleh, Associate Professor, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Greg Albo, Professor of Political Science, York University Ruba Ali Al-Hassani, PhD candidate, Osgoode Hall Law School Afroze Ali, teacher Asma Ali, activist Khalidah Ali, PhD candidate, Department for the Study of Religion, University of Toronto Dr Lina Alam, Resident Physician, Genesys Regional Medical Center Dr Ahmed Al-Awamer, MD Dr Sabah Alnasseri, Associate Professor, Political Science, York University Dr Soha Alomar, Neurosurgical Fellow, University of Toronto Dr Hafsah Al-Azem, medical resident, University of Ottawa Naser Al Raas, human rights activist; Regional Director, Bahrain Salam for Human Rights (SALAM) Dr Mehrunnisa A Ali, Professor, Ryerson University Dr Syed Imran Ali, Post-Doctoral Fellow, University of California Berkeley Dr Vermonja R Alston, JD, PhD; Associate Professor, Departments of English and Humanities, York University Issam Alyamani, Palestinian activist and writer Zainab Amadahy, author and screenwriter Dr Tariq Amin-Khan, Associate Professor, Department of Politics and Public Administration, Ryerson University Valérie Amiraux, Professor, University of Montreal Dr Lamya Amleh, Associate Professor and Progam Director/Academic Advisor, Faculty of Engineering and Architectural Science, Ryerson University Dr Marcos Ancelovici, Professor, Department of Sociology, Unviersite de Quebec a Montreal Alexandra Anderson, Chair, School of Image Arts, Ryerson University Dr Peter Andrée, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Carleton University Haida Antolick, graduate student, Department of English, Simon Fraser University Rebecca Anweiler, Undergraduate Chair and Assistant Professor, Fine Art Program, Queen’s University Dr Sima Aprahamian, Research Associate, Simone de Beauvoir Institute, Concordia University Dr Ronda Arab, Associate Professor of English, Simon Fraser University Dr Sedef Arat-Koc, Associate Professor, Department of Politics and Public Administration, Ryerson University Hulya Arik, PhD candidate, York University Elsa Arismendi, lawyer Marie-France Arismendi, for the Latin American-Canadian Solidarity Association (LACASA) Dr Kristan Aronson, Professor, Department of Public Health Sciences and School of Environmental Studies, Queen’s University Kamal Arora, PhD candidate, Department of Anthropology, University of British Columbia Dr Phyllis Artiss (retired), Memorial University of Newfoundland Dr Rand Askalan, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto Dr Tara Atluri, Post-Doctoral Researcher, Oecumene: Citizenship After Orientalism, Open University; Lecturer, Faculty of Liberal Studies, Ontario College of Art and Design Dr Pierre L Auger, Direction de la santé publique de Québec, Service de l’environnement et du travail Dina Awad, lawyer Marlene Ayas, lawyer Dr Mark Ayyash, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Mount Royal University Sylvat Aziz, Associate Professor, Department of Art Queen’s University Raneem Azzam, PhD candidate, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto Dr Feyzi Baban, Associate Professor, International Development Studies and Political Studies Department, Trent University Dr Elena Badile, Academic Instructor and Translator, University of Toronto and York University Dr Ebrahim Bagheri, Ryerson University Dr John Baglow, writer and researcher Reem Bahdi, Associate Professor, University of Windsor Faculty of Law Atul Bahl, educator Dr Alexandra Bain, Department of Religious Studies, St Thomas University Dr Andrew Baines, Professor Emeritus of Laboratory Medicine and Pathobiology, James and Anne Nethercott Professor, University of Toronto Dr Cornelia Baines, Professor Emerita, Dalla Lana Faculty of Public Health, University of Toronto Dr Donna Baines, Professor, Labour Studies and Social Work, McMaster University Dr Abigail Bakan, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto Natasha Bakht, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa Amilah Baksh, Contract Academic Staff, Wilfrid Laurier University Neil Balan, PhD (ABD), York University; Sessional Instructur, Wilfrid Laurier University Clive Baldwin, Canada Research Chair, St Thomas University Dr Ian Balfour, Professor, Department of English, York University Rev Dr Brice H Balmer, Associate Professor, Waterloo Lutheran Seminary, Wilfrid Laurier University Alimamy Bangura, Executive Director, MENTORS; Coordinator, Ontario Association of Islamic Schools Dr Himani Bannerji, Professor Emeritus, York University Dr Bruce Barber, Professor and Chair of Media Arts, NSCAD University Dr Amjad Barham, Vice-President of Administrative Affairs, Palestine Polytechnic University Dr Jonathan Barker, Professor Emeritus, Department of Political Science, University of Toronto Sarah Barmak, journalist Dr Trevor Barnes, Professor, University of British Columbia Julia Barnett, on behalf of the Board of United Jewish Peoples Order, Toronto Dr Darin Barney, Associate Professor, Department of Art History and Communication Studies, McGill University Dr Amy Bartholomew, Associate Professor, Department of Law and Legal Studies, Carleton University Dr Deborah Barndt, Professor Emeritus, York University Dr Salah Basalamah, Associate Professor, University of Ottawa Dr Sarah Basma, MD Grayson Bass, Instructor, University of Toronto Dr Carolyn Bassett, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of New Brunswick Dr Ranu Basu, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, York University Nathalie Batraville, PhD candidate, Yale University Dr Gregory Baum, Professor Emeritus, Faculty of Religious Studies, McGill University Dr Ahmed Bayoumi, Associate Professor of Medicine, University of Toronto Dr Imaan Bayoumi, Adjunct Assistant Professor, Department of Family Medicine and Public Health Sciences, Queens University Dr Margaret E Beare, Professor of Sociology and Law, York University Mireille Beaudet, lawyer; Faculté de droit, Université de Montréal (retired) Dr Roger Beck, Professor Emeritus, Departments of Classics and Historical Studies, University of Toronto Samreen Beg, lawyer Matthew Behrens, writer; community advocate, Homes not Bombs Dr Colleen Bell, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Studies, University of Saskatchewan Dr Guy Bellemare, Professeur titulaire, Département de Relations industrielles et Membre du Comité exécutif du Syndicat des professeures de l’UQO-CSN, Université du Québec en Outaouais Maroine Bendaoud, PhD candidate, Department of Political Science, University of Montreal Dr Daniel Bender, Canada Research Chair, Historical and Cultural Studies, University of Toronto Dr Rachel Berger, Associate Professor of History, Concordia University Dr Jody Berland, Professor, York University Dr Rima Berns-McGown, Adjunct Faculty, Department of Historical Studies, University of Toronto Dr Beverley Best, Associate Professor of Sociology, Concordia University Faisal Bhabha, Assistant Professor, Osgoode Hall Law School Mohamed Bhabha, Chair, Muslim Seniors Circle of Halton/Peel Dr Davina Bhandar, Associate Professor, Canadian Studies, Trent University Dr Luc Bhérer, chargé d’enseignement Clinique, Université Laval Dr Sirma Bilge, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Universite de Montreal Dr Marni Binder, Associate Professor, Ryerson University Dr Greg Bird, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Andrew Biro, Professor, Department of Politics, Acadia University Joan Remple Bishop, statistician (retired), Canadian Human Rights Commission; human rights activist Sabine Bitter, Assistant Professor, School for the Contemporary Arts, Simon Fraser University Dr Rusty Bitterman, Professor, Department of History, St Thomas University Dr Mary-Louise Blair, physician Dr Louise Blais, Professeure (ret), Université d’Ottawa Dr Ruth Bleasdale, Assistant Professor, History Department, Dalhousie University Dr Malcolm Blincow, Associate Professor Emeritus, Department of Anthropology, York University Elizabeth Block, member, Independent Jewish Voices Dr Katherine Blouin, Associate Professor in Roman History, Department of Classics, University of Toronto Dr Richard Blute, Full Professor, Department of Mathematic and Statistics, University of Ottawa Lynette Bondarchuk, Director, Edmonton Small Press Association Dr Yv Bonnier Viger, Médecin spécialiste en santé publique et médecine préventive, Professeur-directeur du Département de médecine sociale et préventive de la Faculté de Médecine de l’Université Laval, Médecin conseil à la Direction de santé publique de la Chaudière-Appalaches, Président de l’Association des médecins spécialistes en santé communautaire du Québec, Président du Centre de coopération internationale en santé et développement (CCISD) Nancy Bouchard, doctoral student, École nationale d’administration publique, Montréal Suzanne Bouclin, Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa Dr Hind Boudabbouz, physician Katie Boudreau, PhD student, Carleton University, Ottawa Philippe Bourdin, Associate Professor of French and Linguistics, York University Ron Bourgeault, Instructor, Department of Sociology and Social Studies, University of Regina Susan Boyd, Professor, Faculty of Law, University of British Columbia Dr Susan Braedley, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, Carleton University Dr Ann Braithwaite, Associate Professor, Diversity and Social Justice Studies, University of Prince Edward Island Dr Lara Braitstein, Associate Professor of Religious Studies, McGill University Dr Sean Brayton, Associate Professor, Department of Kinesiology and Physical Education, University of Lethbridge Dr Louise Briand, Professeur titulaire, Département des sciences sociales, Université du Québec en Outaouais Dr Linda Briskin, Professor Emeritus, York University Judith Brisson, graduate student, Vermont College of Fine Arts Dr Melisa Brittain, Research Administrator, First Nations Children’s Action Research and Education Service, Faculty of Extension, University of Alberta Dr Deborah Brock, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Dr Gavin Brockett, Associate Professor of Middle East and Islamic History, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Alejandra Bronfman, Associate Professor, Department of History, University of British Columbia Dr Kelly Bronson, Assistant Professor and Acting Director, Science and Technology Studies, St Thomas University Dr Andrew Brook, Chancellor’s Professor of Philosophy and Cognitive Science, Carleton University; President, Canadian Psychoanalytic Society Dr Stephen Brooke, Professor, Department of History, York University Dr Alec Brookes, Assistant Professor, Memorial University of Newfoundland Chris Brookes, documentary-maker Karin Brothers, member, United Network for a Just Peace in Palestine and Israel Dr Enda Brophy, Assistant Professor, School of Communication, Simon Fraser University Dr Sarah Brouillette, Associate Professor, Carleton University Dr Leslie Brown, Professor, University of Victoria Dr Stephen Brown, Professor, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa Dr Kari Brozowski, Associate Professor and Program Coordinator, Health Studies and Health Administration, Wilfrid Laurier University Tami Brushey, Canadian Union of Postal Workers Dr M Darrol Bryant, Centre for Dialogue and Spirituality in World Religions, Renison University College, Waterloo Simon Buck, activist Dr Roberta Buiani, Department of Communication Studies, York University; Fields Institute for Research in Mathematical Sciences, University of Toronto Dr Bill Burgess, Faculty, Geography Department, Kwantlen Polytechnic University Dr Andrew Burke, Associate Professor, Department of English, University of Winnipeg Dr Clint Burnham, Associate Professor, English Department, Simon Fraser University Dr Donald Burke, Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities, York University Dr Mike Burke, Associate Professor, Department of Politics and Public Administration, Ryerson University Richard Ford Burley, PhD candidate, Boston College Dr Rhiannon Bury, Associate Professor, Women’s and Gender Studies, Athabasca University Dr Jean-Claude Bustros, Associate Professor, Concordia University Alana Butler, Instructor, Ryerson University Dr Charles E Butterworth, Emeritus Professor, Department of Government & Politics, University of Maryland Dr David Butz, Professor, Department of Geography, Brock University Dr Siobhan Byrne, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Fathima Cader, JD, MA Dr James Cairns, Associate Professor of Society, Culture, and Environment, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Antonio Calcagno, Associate Professor of Philosophy, King’s University College at University of Western Ontario Dr C Cambre, Assistant Professor, King’s University College, University of Western Ontario Dr Barbara Cameron, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, York University Dr Gerda Cammaer, Associate Professor, School of Image Arts, Ryerson University C Michael Campbell, graduate student, Simon Fraser University Canadian Association of Muslim Women’s Lawyers Dr Dominique Caouette, Professeur agrégé, Département de science politique – Centre d’études de l’Asie de l’Est, Coordonnateur – REDTAC, Université de Montréal Dr Valentina Capurri, Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, Ryerson University Dr Anna Carastathis, Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, California State University Miriana Carbonara, PhD candidate, University of East Anglia Giovanna Carnevale, artist Dr William K Carroll, Professor, Sociology Department, University of Victoria Anne Laurel Carter, author Dr Joseph H Carens, Professor of Political Science, University of Toronto Dr Marica Cassis, Assistant Professor, Department of History, Memorial University of Newfoundland Dr Julian Castro-Rea, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Dr Sheila L Cavanagh, Associate Professor of Sociology, York University Frederique Chabot, Development Coordinator, AIDS Committee of Ottawa Taina Maki Chahal, Contract Lecturer, Lakehead University Adnan D Chahbar, lawyer Dr Line Chamberland, Professor, Université du Québec à Montréal Ahmed Chams, teacher Jessica Chandrashekar, PhD candidate, York University Jeewan Chanicka, community and education activist Chris Chapman, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, York University Dr Jean Chapman, Research Associate, Simone de Beauvoir Institute, Concordia University Dr Mary Chapman, Associate Professor, Department of English, University of British Columbia Dr Sherry Ann Chapman, Adjunct Assistant Professor, Faculty of Extension, University of Alberta Irfan Chaudhry, PhD candidate, University of Alberta Reggie Cherry, Nirvana Cultural Society Paul Chislett, community organizer; producer and host, The ShakeUp (CJAM 99.1) Anjali Choksi, lawyer; Humanities Department, Dawson College (Montreal) Shehrnaz Choksi, Faculty of Social Science (retired), Vanier College (Montreal) Dr Becky Choma, Assistant Professor, Ryerson University Dr Donna Chovanec, Associate Professor of Adult Education, University of Alberta Dr Roland D Chrisjohn, Associate Professor, Department of Native Studies, St Thomas University Dr David Ciavatta, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Ryerson University Dr Lynda Clarke, Associate Professor, Department of Religion, Concordia University Dr Ayesha S Chaudhry, Assistant Professor of Islamic Studies and Gender Studies, University of British Columbia Dr R Cheran, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Criminology, University of Windsor Nurun Chowdhury, graduate student, Ryerson University Dr Ryoa Chung, Professeure agrégée, Philosophie, Université de Montréal Dr Francis Cody, Association Professor of Anthropology and the Asian Institute, University of Toronto Barri Cohen, documentary filmmaker Dr Derek Cohen, Professor Emeritus, York University Dr Marjorie Griffin Cohen, Professor, Political Science/GSWS, Simon Fraser University Dr Peter Cole, Assistant Professor, University of British Columbia Faculty of Education Richard Cole, PhD candidate and Instructor, Faculty of Arts, University of Alberta Dr Daniel Coleman, Professor, Department of English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University Dr William D Coleman, Professor, Balsillie School of International Affairs and Department of Political Science, University of Waterloo; Distinguished University Professor Emeritus, McMaster University Cathy Collet, PhD candidate, English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University Dr Ken Collier, Professor (retired), University of Regina and Athabasca University Alan Collins, filmmaker Dr Stephen Collis, Professor, Department of English, Simon Fraser University Dr Rebecca Comay, Professor, Philosophy Department and Center for Comparative Literature, University of Toronto Bruce Connell, Contract Faculty, York University Dr Maria Constanza Guzman, Associate Professor, Department of Hispanic Studies, York University Dr Janet Conway, Canada Research Chair in Social Justice, Brock University Dr John F Conway, Professor and Head, Department of Sociology and Social Studies, University of Regina Dr Deborah Cook, Professor of Philosophy, University of Windsor Dr Paula Copeland, Professor (retired), Centennial College Edward Corrigan, lawyer, writer, and journalist Dr Elio Costa, Professor Emeritus and Senior Scholar, York University Genevieve Cote, lawyer Isabelle Côté, Philosophy teacher, Cegep de St-Jérôme Dr Natalie Coulter, Assistant Professor, York University Pierre Coupey, President of the Board, The Capilano Review; Retired Faculty, English Department, Capilano University Eryl Court, Steering Committee, Hiroshima Day Coalition; Board Member, Science for Peace; Executive Member, Canadian Peace Research Association Diane Cousineau, Adjunct Lecturer, University of Queensland Dr Jean-Pierre Couture, Assistant Professor, Études politiques, University of Ottawa Dr Cheryl Cowdy, Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities, York University Dr Deborah Cowen, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, University of Toronto Don Crane, lawyer Adleen Crapo, PhD candidate, Centre for Comparative Literature, University of Toronto Phyllis Creighton, author; Part-Time Adjunct Faculty, Faculty of Divinity, Trinity College, University of Toronto Dr Dara Culhane, Professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Simon Fraser University Dr Linda Cullum, Associate Professor, Memorial University of Newfoundland Dr Alex Da Costa, Assistant Professor, Queen’s University Dr Dia Da Costa, Associate Professor, Queen’s University Dr Aliaa Dakroury, Associate Professor, School of Social Communication and Leadership, Saint Paul University, Ottawa Dr Hajira Danial, Associate Clinical Professor, University of Alberta Ibrahim Danial, lawyer Dr Edwin E Daniel, Professor Emeritus, McMaster University and University of Alberta Dalal Daoud, PhD candidate, Political Science, Queen’s University Dr Tania das Gupta, Professor, Department of Equity Studies, York University Humberto da Silva, National Representative, Canadian Union of Public Employees Dr Golam Dastagir, former Visiting Professor and Research Scholar, University of Toronto Dr Girish Daswani, Department of Anthropoogy, University of Toronto Howard Davidson, member, Coalition Against Israeli Apartheid Dr Judy Davidson, Associate Professor, University of Alberta Dr Chandler Davis, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto Dr Hilary E Davis, Contract Faculty, Departments of Philosophy and Humanities, York University Mary Ellen Davis, Part-Time Faculty, School of Cinema, Concordia University Dr Reade Davis, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, Memorial University of Newfoundland Mark Daye, Green Party of Ontario, Community and Social Services Critic Dr Amber Dean, Assistant Professor, Department of English and Cultural Studies and Graduate Program in Gender Studies and Feminist Research, McMaster University Dr Kianoush Dehghani, Public Health Physician, McGill University Dr Ahmed Deif, Adjunct-Associate Professor, Faculty of Engineering, University of Windsor Dr Sheila Delany, Professor Emerita, Simon Fraser University Dr Elena Del Rio, Associate Professor of English and Film Studies, University of Alberta Dr Jason Demers, Sessional Instructor, University of Regina Dr Wilfrid B Denis, Professor Emeritus of Sociology, University of Saskatchewan Dr Kalowatie Deonandan, Associate Professor, University of Saskatchewan Dr Greig de Peuter, Assistant Professor, Department of Communication Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Minoo Derayeh, Associate Professor, Department of Equity Studies, York University Dr Jeff Derksen, Associate Professor, Simon Fraser University Dr John Derksen, Associate Professor of Conflict Resolution Studies, Menno Simons College at University of Winnipeg Dr Véronique Déry, Médecin spécialiste en santé publique et médecine préventive Dr Pierre Deshaies, Médecin spécialiste en santé publique et médecine préventive, Professeur de clinique au Département de médecine sociale et préventive de la Faculté de Médecine de l’Université Laval, Médecin conseil à la Direction de santé publique de la Chaudière-Appalaches, Chef par intérim du département de médecine communautaire du CSSS Alphonse-Desjardins (Lévis, Québec) Dr Annette Desmarais, Canada Research Chair in Human Rights, Social Justice and Food Sovereignty, Department of Sociology, University of Manitoba Dr Erin Despard, FQRSC Postdoctoral Fellow, School of Geographical and Earth Sciences, University of Glasgow Naomi de Szegeheo-Lang, PhD candidate, Gender, Feminist, and Women’s Studies, York University Dr James Deutsch, Professor, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto Judith Deutsch, Independent Jewish Voices; Visiting Lecturer, University of Toronto Dr Dale Dewar, Associate Professor of Family Medicine, College of Medicine, University of Saskatchewan Dr Rita Kaur Dhamoon, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Victoria Ramadhane Dhib, Professor of Chemical Engineering, Ryerson University Dr Leonard Diepeveen, Department of English, Dalhousie University Guylaine Dionne, Associate Professor, Film Production, The Mel Hoppenheim School of Cinema, Concordia University Feruza Djamalova, lawyer Dr Alexandra Dobrowolsky, Professor of Political Science, Saint Mary’s University Dr Stewart Donovan, Professor, Department of English, St Thomas University Dr James Doran, Department of Chemistry and Geoscience, Camosun College Dr Marie-Christine Doran, Associate Professor, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa Dr Chantal Doré, professeure, Université de Sherbrooke Dr Katie Dorman, physician Dr Marc G Doucet, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Saint Mary’s University Dr Stacy Douglas, Assistant Professor, Law and Legal Studies, Carleton University Dr Richard Douglass-Chin, Associate Professor, Department of English, University of Windsor Dr Zoe Druick, Associate Professor, School of Communication, Simon Fraser University Dr Karen Dubinsky, Professor, Global Development Studies and History, Queen’s University Martin Duckworth, filmmaker Geneviève Dumas, Professeure agrégée, Département d’histoire, Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines, Université de Sherbrooke Cameron Duncan, Manager, Institute for the Humanities, Simon Fraser University Tanja Durbic, graduate student, University of Manchester Alan Dutton, Director, Canadian Anti-Racism Education and Research Society; Associate Member, Institute for the Humanities, Simon Fraser University Mel A Earley, Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) Said Easa, Professor, Ryerson University Curran Egan, PhD candidate, McMaster University Dr Peter Eglin, Department of Sociology, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Mahmoud Eid, Associate Professor, Department of Communication, University of Ottawa Dr Firoza Elavia, Adjunct Faculty, Department of Cinema and Media Studies, York University Anaïs Elboujdaïni, graduate student, Université d’Ottawa Dr Elizabeth Elbourne, Associate Professor, Department of History and Classical Studies, McGill University Dr Yara El-Ghadban, writer and anthropologist; Affiliated Researcher, Department of Anthropology, University of Montreal Noelle Elia, artist; filmmaker; Editor Emeritus, POV Magazine Dr Walid El Khachab, Associate Professor, York University Dr Omar ElKhateeb, neonatologist, The Hospital for Sick Children Dr Patricia Elliot, Professor, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Maher El-Masri, Professor of Nursing, University of Windsor Dr Greg Elmer, Professor of Media, Ryerson University Dr Christo El Morr, Assistant Professor, York University Samy Elnemr, avocat Mohamed El Sayed, JD/MBA candidate, University of Toronto Dr Tammer El-Sheikh, Visiting Scholar, Faculty of Fine Arts, Concordia University Dr Basel El-Tawil, physician; Adjunct Professor, University of Windsor Rasha El-Tawil, lawyer Dr Julia Emberley, Professor, University of Western Ontario Dr Diane Enns, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, McMaster University Kris Erickson, PhD candidate, Communication and Culture, Ryerson and York Universities Ann Eriksson, author Jackie Esmonde, lawyer Dr John L Esposito, Professor, Georgetown University Barbara Evans, Associate Professor, Department of Film, York University Dr Catherine Evans, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto Dr Cara Fabre, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of Manitoba Dr Mohammad Fadel, Associate Professor, University of Toronto Faculty of Law Michael Fakhri, Assistant Professor, University of Oregon School of Law James Falconer, PhD candidate, Department of Sociology, McGill University Dr Elaine Fantham, Professor Emerita, Department of Classics, University of Toronto Dr Randa Farah, Associate Professor, University of Western Ontario Beyhan Farhadi, PhD student, Geography Department, University of Toronto Dr Marzieh Farhang, Research Associate, University of Toronto Dr Matthew Farish, Associate Professor, Department of Geography and Program in Planning, University of Toronto Kouroush Farrokhzad, lawyer Dr Zouheir Fawaz, Professor of Aerospace Engineering and Founder, Ryerson Institute for Aerospace Design and Innovation, Ryerson University Hossein Martin Fazeli, film director; Advisory Board Member, Simon Fraser University Samantha Feder, PhD candidate, Institute of Feminist and Gender Studies, University of Ottawa Dr Harvey A Feit, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology, McMaster University Gregory Fenton, PhD student, University of Guelph; Joseph-Armand Bombardier Canada Graduate Scholarship Recipient Arazoo Ferozan, graduate student, Department of History, McMaster University Nilab Ferozan, graduate student, Department of History, McMaster University Nick Filmore, journalist and social activist Dr LM Findlay, Professor of English, University of Saskatchewan Dr Melissa Finn, Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Tabasum Firoz, Clinical Associate Professor, Department of Medicine, University of British Columbia Dr Peter Fitting, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto Blake Fitzpatrick, Ryerson University Tamara Fleming, PhD candidate, University of Manitoba Dr Judith Fletcher, Professor, Department of History, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Anne Forrest, Director, Women’s Studies, University of Windsor Andrew Forster, Researcher and Adjunct Faculty, Concordia University Dr Scott Forsyth, Associate Professor, York University Dr Maximillian C Forte, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Concordia University George Foster, retired teacher Susanna Fournier, writer Dr Susan Fox, Associate Professor, University of Windsor Dr Thomas F Fox, Professor of Mathematics, Dawson College (Montreal) Karine Fradet, Chargée de cours, Université de Montréal Dr Margot Francis, Associate Professor, Women’s and Gender Studies/Sociology, Brock University Fredericton Palestine Solidarity Dr Sid Frankel, Associate Professor, Faculty of Social Work, University of Manitoba Dr Ursula M Franklin, University Professor Emerita and Senior Fellow, Massey College; Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada Dr Lisa Freeman, SSHRC Postdoctoral Fellow, Department of Geography, Simon Fraser University Dr Harriet Friedmann, Professor Emeritus, Sociology, University of Toronto Richard Fung, Professor, OCAD University Dr Gavin Fridell, Canada Research Chair and Associate Professor, International Development Studies, Saint Mary’s University Dr Michael Frishkopf, Professor, University of Alberta Dr Doreen Fumia, Associate Professor, Ryerson University Dr Neil Funk-Unrau, Associate Professor of Conflict Resolution Studies, Menno Simons College at University of Winnipeg Dr Tasnim Gafoor, physician Monika Kin Gagnon, Professor, Concordia University Dr Josephy Galbo, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of New Brunswick, Saint John Dr David Galbraith, Associate Professor, Department of English, University of Toronto Sara Gallagher, graduate student, Department of Literature, Trent University Martin Gallie, Professeur de droit, Departement des sciences juridiques, Universite de Quebec a Montreal Dr Samir Gandesha, Associate Professor, Department of Humanities, Simon Fraser University Dr Judith A Garber, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Dr Miriam Garfinkle, MD Cheryl Gaster, LLB, CMed Dr Sonia Gauthier, professeure, Université de Montréal Alisa Gayle-Deutsch, member, Independent Jewish Voices Dr Ruben Gaztambide-Fernandez, Associate Professor, University of Toronto Dr Jack Gegenberg, Professor of Mathematics, University of New Brunswick Dr Dina Georgis, Associate Professor, Women and Gender Studies Institute, University of Toronto Mariam Georgis, PhD student, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Dr Michael Gervers, Professor of History, University of Toronto Dr Amal Ghazal, Associate Professor, Dalhousie University Dr Christos Giannou, former head surgeon, International Committee of the Red Cross; former surgeon, Palestinian Red Crescent Society; Associate Professor, Queen Mary and Bart’s School of Medicine, University of London; lecturer, University of Athens John Gilbart, Social Justice Facilitator, Humbercrest United Church (Toronto) Dr Emily Gilbert, Associate Professor, University of Toronto Dr Liette Gilbert, Professor, York University Dana Kathryn Gill, PhD candidate, York University John Gilmore, author Harry Glasbeek, Professor Emeritus and Senior Scholar, Osgoode Hall Law School Allison Glaser, PhD candidate, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto Jill Glessing, Faculty, Image Arts, Ryerson Tracy Glynn, Professor of Environment and Society, St Thomas University Dr David J Goa, Director, Ronning Centre for the Study of Religion and Public Life, University of Alberta, Augustana Campus Dr Ritika Goel, physician Dr Vinod Goel, Professor of Cognitive Neuroscience, York University Dr Donald Goellnicht, Professor, Department of English and Cultural Studies and Director, Institute on Globalization and the Human Condition, McMaster University Dr Luin Goldring, Associate Professor of Sociology, York University Dr Brydon Gombay, community psychologist Dr Antonio Gomez-Moriana, Professeur emerite de Litterature compare, Universite de Montreal; Professor Emeritus of Humanities, Simon Fraser University Isabel Gomez-Moriana, Global MBA candidate, University of Toronto Mona Goode, History Department, University of Victoria Guy Goodwin-Gill, Senior Research Fellow (International Law), All Souls College, University of Oxford Dr Kanishak Goonewardena, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, University of Toronto Dr Rachel Gorman, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Health, York University Dr Peter Gose, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Carleton University Dr Colin C Graham, Honorary Professor of Mathematics, University of British Columbia Dr Kevin A Gould, Associate Professor, Concordia University Dr Catherine Graham, Associate Professor of Humanities, McMaster University Dr Janice Graham, Professor, Dalhousie University Paula Graham, PhD candidate, Memorial University of Newfoundland Xavier Gravend-Tirole, PhD candidate, Universities of Montreal and Lausanne Dr Robert Gray, Associate Professor, University of New Brunswick Dr Donald Grayston, Director (retired), Institute for the Humanities, Simon Fraser University Dr Mrinalini Greedharry, Assistant Professor, Laurentian University Dr Joyce A Green, Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Regina Gillian Greenfeld, filmmaker Lisa Greenspoon, MA, BCL, LLB; Public Service Alliance of Canada Dr Allan Greer, Professor and Canada Research Chair in Colonial North America, Department of History and Classical Studies, McGill University John Greyson, video/filmmaker; Professor, York University Dr Glenn G Griener, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, University of Alberta Dr Ricardo Grinspun, Department of Economics, York University Dr Julie Guard, Associate Professor, History and Labour Studies, University of Manitoba Dr Aziz Guergachi, Professor, Ryerson University Liliana Guevara, PhD candidate, University of Toronto Cathy Gulkin, filmmaker, Independent Jewish Voices Jesse Gutman, LLB, BCL Dr Jasmin Habib, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science and Balsillie School for International Affairs, University of Waterloo Dr Atiqa Hachimi, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto Hazar Hadi, retired high school teacher Dr Ratiba Hadj-Moussa, Associate Professor, York University Dr Jan Hadlaw, Associate Professor, York University Dr Laam Hae, Associated Professor of Political Science, York University Dr Judy Haiven, Associate Professor, St Mary’s University, Halifax Dr Max Haiven, Assistant Professor, Art History and Critical Studies, Nova Scotia College of Art and Design Tanzeel Hakak, graduate student, Balsillie School of International Affairs and the University of Waterloo; Junior Fellow, Canadian Centre for Responsibility to Protect; Junior Research Fellow at Centre for International Governance Innovation Dr Sylvia Hale, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, St Thomas University Dr Nancy Viva Davis Halifax, Associate Professor, Critical Disabilities Studies, York University Dr Budd L Hall, Professor, University of Victoria Dr Wael Hallaq, Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities, Columbia University Hussein Hamdani, lawyer Yavar Hameed, lawyer, Hameed & Farrokhzad Dr Paul Hamel, Professor, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto Dr Bernie Hammond, Associate Professor of Sociology and Social Justice and Peace Studies, King’s University College, University of Western Ontario Dr Paul Handford, Professor Emeritus, Biology, University of Western Ontario Dr Bob Hanke, Contract Faculty, York University Dr Jens Hanssen, Associate Professor, University of Toronto Dr Elizabeth Hanson, Professor, Department of English, Queen’s University Sarah Haque, graduate student, Sociology, York University Larry B Harder, Associate Professor, University of Guelph Dr John Hart, History Department, Thompson River University Dr Deborah Harrison, Professor (retired) and Adjunct Professor, Department of Sociology, University of New Brunswick Susan K Harrison, PhD candidate, University of Toronto Nadia Z Hasan, PhD candidate, Department of Political Science, York University Dr Shahib U Hasan, Professor and Staff Neonatologist, Alberta Health Services, Department of Pediatrics, Cumming School of Medicine, University of Calgary Sumi Hasegawa, Retired Faculty Lecturer, McGill University Dr Nader Hashemi, Associate Professor, Joseph Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver Seyed M Hashemi, Professor, Department of Aerospace Engineering, Ryerson University Dr Jason Haslam, Associate Professor, Dalhousie University Shabina Hassan, teacher Dr Houchang Hassan-Yari, Professor, Royal Military College of Canada Travis Hay, PHD II, History Department, York University Dr Ibrahim Hayani, Professor, Ryerson University Dr Cressida Hayes, Professor of Political Science and Philosophy, University of Alberta Danny Heap, Senior Lecturer, Department of Computer Science, University of Toronto Dr David Heap, Associate Professor, University of Western Ontario Dr Alison Hearn, Associate Professor, University of Western Ontario Dr Ajay Heble, Professor, University of Guelph Tracy Heffernan, lawyer Dr Tim Hegedus, Professor Emeritus, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Ingrid Hehmeyer, Associate Professor, Ryerson University Alireza Heidar-Barghi, PhD candidate, University of Toronto Dr Jaymie Patricia Heilman, Associate Professor of History, University of Alberta Ida C Henderson, retired economist (Government of Canada); human rights activist Dr Jennifer Henderson, Associate Professor, Department of English Language, Carleton University Dr Valerie Hentitiuk, Professor and Executive Director, MacEwan University Dr Camille Hernandez-Ramdwar, Associate Professor, Sociology Department, Ryerson University Dr Gleider Hernandez, Lecturer in Law, Durham University Rob Heynen, Sessional Assistant Professor, York University Dr Christopher Hicks, Assistant Professor, Department of Medicine and Associate Program Director, FRCP Emergency Medicine Program, University of Toronto Dr Emily M Hill, Associate Professor, Department of History, Queen’s University Andrew P Hodgkins, Sessional Lecturer, Education Policy Studies, University of Alberta Kristin Hoffman, Librarian, University of Western Ontario Dr Mehran Hojati, Associate Professor, University of Saskatchewan Dr John Holmes, Professor Emeritus, Department of Geography, Queen’s University Maria Hotes, PhD candidate, Philosophy, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat (Munich); SSRHC scholarship holder Andrea Houston, journalist; human rights advocate; co-founder, #ENDhatelaws Dr Rhoda E Howard-Hassmann, Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada, Canada Research Chair in International Human Rights, School of International Policy and Governance and Department of Political Science, Wilfrid Laurier University Bradley Hughes, Department of Physics and Astronomy, Langara College Derek Hrynshyn, Departments of Political Science and Communication Studies, York University Dave Hudson, Associate Librarian, University of Guelph Dr Mark Hunter, Associate Professor, Human Geography, University of Toronto Scarborough Dr Adrienne Hurley, Associate Professor of East Asian Studies, McGill University Dr Rachel Hurst, Associate Professor, Women’s and Gender Studies, St Francis Xavier University Kasim Husain, PhD candidate, Department of English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University Dr Amir Hussain, Professor of Theological Studies, Loyola Marymount University Murtaza Hussain, journalist, The Intercept Dr Yasmine Hussain, MD Dr Ali Hussein, Professor of Electrical Engineering, Ryerson University Dr Saeed Hydaralli, Assistant Professor, Department of Equity Studies, York University Brian Hyland, Natural Resources Canada, Government of Canada David Hylnsky, artist; Lecturer, University of Toronto Scarborough Dr Franca Iacovetta, Professor of History, University of Toronto Deanna Ida, Operations Coordinator and Researcher at Pomegranate Tree Group; Administration at the Barbra Schlifer Clinic Dr Suzan Ilcan, Professor of Sociology, University of Waterloo Basit Kareem Iqbal, PhD candidate, University of California, Berkeley Dr Adel Iskandar, Assistant Professor of Global Communication, Simon Fraser University Dr Farah Islam, Postdoctoral Fellow, University of Toronto Dr Omar Islam, Assistant Professor, Department of Radiology, Queen’s University Dr Jacqueline Ismael, Professor of Social Work, University of Calgary Dr Tareq Y Ismael, Professor of Political Science, University of Calgary Dr Luis van Isschot, Assistant Professor of History, University of Toronto Dr Peter Ives, Professor, Political Science Department, University of Winnipeg Humera Jabir, JD candidate, McGill University Dr Mary Jackes, Department of Anthropology, University of Waterloo Barbara Jackman, lawyer Dr Michael Connors Jackman, Post-Doctoral Fellow, Institute for Social and Economic Research, Memorial University of Newfoundland Dr Elizabeth Jackson, Community Engagement Officer, Univeristy of Guelph Troy Jackson, President, El-Tawhid Juma Circle Toronto Unity Mosque Dr Merle Jacobs, Associate Professor, Department of Equity Studies, York University Dr Beenash Jafri, PhD, York University Dr Ramin Jahanbegloo, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, York University Roshan A Jahangeer, PhD candidate, York University Dr Junaid Jahangir, Canada West Coordinator, Universalist Muslims Dr Kajri Jain, Associate Professor, University of Toronto Dr Aisha Jamal, Assistant Professor, Trent University Dr Amina Jamal, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Ryerson University Dr Fakhreddin Jamali, Professor, Faculty of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Sciences, University of Alberta Dr Uzma Jamil, McGill University Zaytoon Janjua, Research Librarian (retired), Canadian Energy Research Institute Dr Arno H Jansen, University of Manitoba (retired) Ed Janzen, Chaplain, Conrad Grebel University College Oscar Jarzmik, PhD candidate, Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations, University of Toronto Dr Muhammad Jaseemudin, Associate Professor and Associate Chair for Student Affairs, Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Ryerson University Setareh Javadi, lawyer Jake Javanshir, member, Independent Jewish Voices Toronto Dr Peruvemba S Jaya, Associate Professor, Department of Communication, University of Ottawa Jameela Jeeroburkhan, lawyer Zeib Jeeva, Order of Ontario Dr David Jefferess, Associate Professor, University of British Columbia Okanagan Campus Dr Donna Jeffery, Associate Professor, School of Social Work, University of Victoria Dr Fiona Jeffries, Visiting Research Scholar, Simon Fraser University Dr Herbert M Jenkins, Professor of Psychology Emeritus, McMaster University Dr Yasmin Jiwani, Professor, Communication Studies, Concordia University Dr Graham E Johnson, Professor of Sociology Emeritus, University of British Columbia Dr Mark Jones, Professor, Department of English, Queen’s University Dr Miriam Jones, Associate Professor, University of New Brunswick Dr Edward Jones-Imhotep, Associate Professor, History of Science and Technology, York University Dr Bassam Jubran, Professor, Department of Aerospace Engineering, Ryerson University Dr Ellen R Judd, Professor of Anthropology and Distinguished Professor, University of Manitoba; Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada Aina Kagis, Regional Director, CUPE Saskatchewan Dr David Kahane, Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Jasminka Kalajdzic, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor Dr Mahdavi Kale, Associate Professor, Department of Historical and Cultural Studies, University of Toronto Scarborough Dr Amy Kaler, Professor of Sociology, University of Alberta Azeezah Kanji, JD, University of Toronto Faculty of Law; Programming Coordinator, Noor Cultural Centre Samira Kanji, President, Noor Cultural Centre Dr Ilan Kapoor, Professor, York University Dr Mahmood Kara, surgeon Dr Lara Karaian, Assistant Professor, Institute of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Carleton University Charry Karamanoukian, Lecturer in Language, Columbia University Dr Karim S Karim, Professor, Faculty of Engineering, University of Waterloo Dr SR Karim, Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Ryerson University Dr Eva C Karpinski, Associate Professor of Gender and Women’s Studies, York University Abbas Kassam, lawyer Nudin Kassam, lawyer Sarah Kastner, PhD candidate, Queen’s University Dr Hannah Kaufman, Assistant Professor, Department of Family and Community Medicine, University of Toronto Dr Janice Keefer, Professor Emerita, University of Guelph Dr Michael Keefer, Professor Emeritus, School of English and Theatre Studies, University of Guelph Dr Paul Kellogg, Associate Professor, Athabasca University Dr Catherine Kellogg, Associate Professor, Political Science, University of Alberta Dr Gail Kellough, Associate Professor Emerita, York University Claire Kelly, graduate student, Ryerson University Dr Kamala Kempadoo, Professor, Department of Political Science, York University Dr Olga Kempo, Retired Faculty, Capilano University Dr Robert D Kent, Professor, School of Computer Science, University of Windsor Laruen Kepkiewicz, PhD candidate, Department of Geography and Planning, University of Toronto Dr Rosalind Ker, Professor Emeritus, University of Alberta Dr Krista Kesselring, Professor of History, Dalhousie University Mary Keyork, immigration, citizenship and refugee lawyer Dr Muhammad Ali Khalidi, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, York University Dr Nasr Khalifa, Department of Chemistry and Geoscience, Camosun College Abdul-Basit Khan, lawyer Ateeka Khan, PhD candidate, McMaster University Gul Khan, Professor and Program Director for Computer Engineering, Ryerson University Dr Aliya Khan, Clinical Professor of Medicine, McMaster University Dr Baseer Khan, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto Dr Khurram J Khan, Assistant Professor, Department of Medicine, McMaster University Mohammed Azhar Ali Khan, former refugee judge; journalist; Order of Canada, Order of Ontario Saleha Khan, human rights education; co-founder, Family Honour Project Sara Khan, lawyer Sharifa Khan, JD, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University Shahla Khan Salter, lawyer; Director, Universalist Muslims El-Farouk Khaki, refugee and immigration lawyer Dr Alex Khasnabish, Associate Professor and Chair, Sociology/Anthropology, Mount Saint Vincent University Yomna Khatib, lawyer Mira Khazzam, member, Independent Jewish Voices Canada Jerry Jareer Khouri, public policy and business professional, commentator, and writer Raja Khouri, Commissioner, Ontario Human Rights Commission Dr Majed Khraishi, Clinical Professor of Medicine, Memorial University of Newfoundland Dr Katie Kilroy-Marac, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of Toronto Scarborough Dr Jeff King, Senior Lecturer in Laws, University College London Dr Samantha King, Professor, School of Kinesiology and Health Studies, Queen’s University Dr Gary Kinsman, Professor Emeritus of Sociology, Laurentian University Dr Stefan Kipfer, Associate Professor, York University Bonnie Sherr Klein, OC, LLD; Independent Jewish Voices Dr Martin Klein, Professor Emeritus of History, University of Toronto Helene Klodawsky, filmmaker Michael Klug, Watsons Jacobs McCreary LLP Cathleen Kneen, co-publisher, The Ram’s Horn Dr Mustafa Koc, Professor, Department of Sociology and Centre for Studies in Food Security, Ryerson University Dr Martin Komourdjian, Professor (retired), Cape Breton University Dr Sara Koopman, Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, York University Robert Korol, Professor Emeritus, Civil Engineering, McMaster University Natalie Kouri-Towe, Instructor, University of Toronto Ildiko Kovacs, Assistant Professor, York University Kim Koyama, community activist Dr Sailaja Krishnamurti, Sessional Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities, York University Dr Kenton Kroker, Associate Professor, York University Dr Jane Ku, Associate Professor, Sociology and Anthroplogy/Women’s Studies, University of Windsor Dr Atif Kubursi, Professor Emeritus, Department of Economics, McMaster University Dr Jason Kunin, teacher Blair Kuntz, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Librarian, University of Toronto Dr Nadia Kurd, Curator, Thunder Bay Art Gallery Dr Gary Kynoch, Associate Professor, Dalhousie University Andrée Lafontaine, PhD Candidate, Mel Hoppenheim School of Cinema, Montréal Andrea Laing, Partner, Blakes M Ali Lakhani, lawyer; Founding Editor, Sacred Web: A Journal of Tradition and Modernity Safia J Lakhani, lawyer Krishna Lalbiharie, Canada-Palestine Support Network, Winnipeg Kathy Lam, PhD candidate, University of Waterloo Dr Thomas Lamarre, Professor, McGill University Dr Michael Lambek, Canada Research Chair and Chair, Department of Anthropology, University of Toronto Scarborough; Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada Desiree Lamoureux, PhD candidate, University of Western Ontario Dr Patricia Landolt, Associate Professor and Chair, Department of Sociology, University of Toronto Scarborough Dr Tom Langford, Professor of Sociology, University of Calgary David Langille, Lecturer, Health Studies, University of Toronto Dr H Peter Langille, Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Global Studies, University of Victoria Dr Katherine R Larson, Associate Professor of English, University of Toronto Peter Larson, writer Dimitri Lascaris, lawyer Dr Frances Latchford, School of Gender, Sexuality and Women’s Studies, York University Dr Robert Latham, Associate Professor, York University Dr Alex Latta, Associate Professor, Department of Global Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Claudette Lauzon, Assistant Professor, OCAD University Dr Bonita Lawrence, Associate Professor, York University Sharon Lax, teacher James Laxer, Professor of Political Science, Department of Equity Studies, York University Bassam Lazar, lawyer Dr Sabine LeBel, Writing Instructor, University of Toronto Robyn LeBlanc, graduate student, York University Dr Paul Leduc Browne, Professor, Département des sciences sociales, Université du Québec en Outaouais Dr Becky R Lee, Associate Professor, York University David Neil Lee, author; PhD candidate, University of Guelph Dr Louis Lefeber, Professor of Economics and Graduate Program for Social and Political Thought (Emeritus), York University Cory Legassic, Instructor, Humanities/Sociology Departments, Dawson College (Montreal) Dr Marc James Léger, cultural theorist Dr Catherine LeGrand, Associate Professor, Department of History, McGill University Joseph Leivdal, Associate of the Institute for the Humanities, Simon Fraser University Val Lem, Librarian, Ryerson University Lynda Lemberg, Educators for Peace and Justice; Independent Jewish Voices (Toronto, Canada) Dr Trudo Lemmens, Associate Professor and Scholl Chair in Health Law and Policy, University of Toronto Faculty of Law Dr Suzanne Lenon, Assistant Professor, Department of Women and Gender Studies, University of Lethbridge Dr Darryl Leroux, Assistant Professor, Saint Mary`s University Dr Carianne Leung, Lecturer, Ontario College of Arts University Dr Patrick Levallois, Département de médecine sociale et préventive, Faculté de médecine, Université Laval Dr Alex Levant, Contract Faculty, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Andree Levesque, Professor Emerita, History Department, McGill University Lesley Levy, member, Independent Jewish Voices Dr GJ Lewis, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto Dr Joel Lexchin, Professor, School of Health Policy and Management, York University Jamie Liew, Assistant Professor, University of Ottawa Faculty of Law, Common Law Section Imam Ahmed Limame, Outaouais Islamic Center Dr Abby Lippman, Professor Emerita, McGill University Ronit Little, Vice-President, United Jewish People’s Order, Toronto Dr Kristina Llewellyn, Associate Professor, Department of Social Development Studies, and Associate Member, Department of Social and Legal Studies, University of Waterloo Kyle Loewin, graduate student, Department of Geography, University of British Columbia Dr Brenda Longfellow, Interim Graduate Program Director, Cinema and Media Studies, York University Dr Susan Lord, Associate Professor, Queen’s University Tamara Lorincz, MBA/LLB, Rotary International World; Peace Fellow 2014-2014 Dr Tarek Loubani, MD Dr Robert Lovelace, Professor, Department of Global Development Studies, Queen’s University Duncan Low, PhD candidate, School of Communication, Simon Fraser University Dr Miriam Lowi, Professor, Department of Political Science and International Studies Program, The College of New Jersey Dr Catherine Lu, Associate Professor of Political Science, McGIll University Dr David Lubell, Department of Anthropology, University of Waterloo Simone Lucas, educator and activist Dr Andrew Lugg, Professor Emeritus, University of Ottawa Dr Alberto Luna, physician, McGill University Dr Colleen Lundy, Professor Emeritus, Carleton University Dr Meg Luxton, Professor, School of Gender, Sexuality and Women’s Studies, York University Clifford Luyt, lawyer Michael Lynk, Associate Professor, University of Western Ontario Faculty of Law Adina Lyon, member, Canadian Unitarians for Social Justice Dr Andrew Lyons, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology, Wilfrid Laurier University and Adjunct Professor of Anthropology, University of Waterloo Dr Harriet Lyons, Professor Emerita and Adjunct Professor of Anthropology, University of Waterloo Dr Ngok-Wah Ma, Professor, Ryerson University Dr Sabine Mabardi, retired faculty, Douglas College (British Columbia) Maggie MacAulay, PhD candidate, Simon Fraser University Dr Marcia Macaulay, Associate Professor, Glendon English and Linguistics, York University Dr Eleanor MacDonald, Associate Professor, Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University Katie MacDonald, PhD candidate, University of Alberta Dr Kenneth Iain MacDonald, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, University of Toronto Dr Margaret MacDonald, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, York University Sally MacDonnell, teacher Dr Eva Mackey, Associate Professor, Carleton University Dr Bonnie MacLachlan, Professor Emerita and Adjunct Research Professor, Department of Classical Studies, University of Western Ontario Dr Kym Maclaren, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, Ryerson University Anita MacLean, National Education Committee on Israel and Palestine Dr Colin Macleod, Associate Professor of Philosophy and Law, University of Victoria Dr Jocelyne Maclure, Full Professor of Philosophy, Université Laval Angela MacPherson, teacher Dr Graeme MacQueen, retired Professor, McMaster University Dr Ali Madani, Professor (retired), Dalhousie University Obert Madondo, Founder and Editor, The Canadian Progressive Dr Shoshana Magnet, Associate Professor, Institute of Women’s Studies and Department of Criminology, University of Ottawa Skylar Maharaj, graduate student, Ryerson University Sara Mahboob, PhD candidate, McGill University Dr Mojtaba Mahdavi, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Dr Janet E Maher, research consultant (retired) Dr Zeineb Mahjoub, physician Tahrin Mahmood, medical student, University of Toronto Aruba Mahmud, MEd, researcher François Mai, Adjunct Professor, Department of Psychiatry, Queen’s University Margaret Maier, activist Dr Claude Maire, Professeur retraité, Département d’histoire, UQAM Dr Faiza Majeed, primary care physician Dr Jo Ann Majerovich, physician Dr Abeer Majid, primary care physician Desmond Maley, Librarian, Laurentian University Dania Majid, Arab Canadian Lawyers Association Sehrish Malik, PhD candidate, York University Linzi Manicom, Lecturer, University of Toronto Eva Manly, community activist Jim Manly, retired United Church Minister; Member of Parliament 1980-1988 Dr Geoff Mann, Director, Centre for Global Political Economy, Simon Fraser University Dr Manijeh Mannani, Associate Professor of English and Comparative Literature, Athabasca University Dr Paul Manning, Associate Professor, Trent University Dr Irene Marques, Lecturer, African Studies Program, University of Toronto Dr Alina Marquez, Assistant Professor, Social Science and Writing Departments, York University Zack Marshall, PhD candidate, Divisionof Community Health and Humanities, Faculty of Medicine, Memorial University Dr Geoff Martin, Part-Time Assistant Professor, Politics and International Relations, Mount Allison University Dr Juan Carlos Martinez, Associate Professor, Modern Languages and Literatures, Mount Allison University Peggy Mason, President, Rideau Institute; former Canadian Ambassador for Disarmament Suzan Masoud, PhD student, Department of Comunication and Culture, University of Calgary Dr Marie-Josée Massicotte, Professeure agrégée, École d’études politiques, University of Ottawa Dr Dominique Masson, Full Professor, Institute of Feminist and Gender Studies and School of Sociological and Anthropological Studies, University of Ottawa Robert Massoud, founder, Beit Zatoun Dr Richard Matthews, Lecturer, Philosophy, Huron University College Dr Sara Matthews, Associate Professor, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Vanessa Matthews, Assistant Professor, University of Regina Dr Ingrid Mattson, Professor, Faculty of Theology, Huron University Colege at the University of Western Ontario Farah N Mawani, PhD candidate, Dalla Lana School of Public Health, University of Toronto Dr Denis Maxwell, Associate Professor, Western University Emilie McLachlan Maxwell, lawyer Dr Krista Maxwell, Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Toronto Dr Kirsten McAllister, Associate Professor, Simon Fraser University Dr Paul McArthur, Adjunct Professor of Family Medicine, University of Western Ontario McGill Radical Law Community Cindy McCallum Miller, President, Canadian Union of Postal Workers Castelgar Local, British Columbia Tim McCaskell, Queers Against Israeli Apartheid Dr Brenda McComb, Department of Languages, Literatures and Linguistics, York University Dr Richard McCutcheon, Associate Professor, Conflict Resolution Studies, Canadian Mennonite University Dr Peggy McDonough, Professor, Dalla Lana School of Public Health, University of Toronto Dr Gillian McGillivray, Associate Professor and Chair, Department of History, York University Dr Hannah McGregor, Postdoctoral Fellow, Department of English and Film Studies, University of Alberta Dr Kelly McGuire, Associate Professor, Department of English, Trent University Brian McIntosh, United Church Minister, member of United Network for Justice and Peace in Palestine and Israel Craig McKee, journalist Dr Wendy McKeen, Associate Professor, School of Social Work, York University Patrick McLane, PhD candidate, University of Alberta Dr John McMurtry, Professor of Philosophy and University Professor Emeritus, University of Guelph; Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada Dr David McNally, Professor of Political Science, York University Dr Grant McSorley, Research Associate, Ecole Polytechnique de Montreal Zach Melzer, PhD student, Concordia University Dr Anne Meneley, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, Trent University Dr Dick Menzier, Professor, Department of Medicine, McGill University Shelina Merani, Muslim Presence Dr Roy Merrens, Professor Emeritus and Senior Scholar, York University Dr Iman Mersal, Associate Professor, Middle Eastern and African Studies Program, University of Alberta Dr Jacinthe Michaud, Associate Professor, Gender, Sexuality and Women’s Studies, York University Carmelo Militano, writer Dr Rod Millard, Professor Emeritus, Department of History, University of Western Ontario Dr Lisa Mills, Associate Professor, Carleton University Dr Suzanne Mills, Associate Professor, School of Labour Studies and Geography and Earth Science, McMaster University Parviz Mirbaghi, retired teacher Dr Colin Mitchell, Associate Professor of History, Dalhousie University Dr Amira Mittermaier, Associate Professor, University of Toronto Rabbi David Mivasair, Rabbi Emeritus, Ahavat Olam Synagogue (Vancouver) Alex Mochnacki, PhD candidate, Department of Sociology, McGill University Dr Haideh Moghissi, Professor, York University Dr Michelle Mohabeer, Lecturer and Filmmaker, York University Hodan Ahmed Mohamed, graduate student, University of Toronto; activist Dr Khorsid Mohammad, Neonatologist at Alberta Health Services, University of Calgary Moid Mohammed, Secretary, Meadowvale Islamic Centre (Mississauga) Carel Moiseiwitsch, artist and activist Kianoosh Mokhtarian, PhD candidate, University of Toronto Marcos D Moldes, PhD candidate, Simon Fraser University Dr Patricia Molloy, Contract Faculty, Wilfrid Laurier University Kevin Moloney, Department of Languages, York University Dr Radhika Mongia, Associate Professor, York University Dr Colin Mooers, Department of Politics and Public Administration, Ryerson University Joy Moore, Faculty (retired), Dawson College (Montreal) Michael Moore, Board of Directors, Canadian Anti-Racism Education and Research Society (Vancouver) Dr Ebrahim Moosa, Professor of Islamic Studies, University of Notre Dame Dr Esteve Morera, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy and Department of Political Science, York University Dr Erin Morton, Associate Professor, Department of History, University of New Brunswick Nermeen Mouftah, PhD candidate, University of Toronto Dr Raymond Mougeon, Professor Emeritus, York University Dr Tamir Moustafa, Associate Professor, Simon Fraser University Dr Andrea Muehlebach, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Toronto Dr James Muir, Associate Professor, Department of History and Classics and Faculty of Law, University of Alberta Dr Arun P Mukherjee, Professor, York University Dr Shree Mulay, Associate Dean and Professor, Community Health and Humanities Division, Memorial University of Newfoundland Dr Martin E Muldoon, Professor Emeritus, York University Claire Mumme, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor Mike Murakami, community activist Dr Julia E Murphy, Instructor, Department of Anthropology, Kwantlen Polytechnic University Dr Karen Murray, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, York University Nawal Musleh-Motut, PhD candidate, School of Communication, Simon Fraser University Dr Natasha Myers, Director, Institute for Science and Technology Studies and Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, York University Dr Eric Mykhalovskiy, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Dr Roxanne Mykitiuk, Associate Professor, Osgoode Hall Law School Dr Denise Nadeau, Affiliate Assistant Professor, Department of Religion, Concordia University Dr Mary-Jo Nadeau, Independent Scholar, Toronto Dr Michael Nafi, Humanities and Philosophy Teacher, Cegep, John Abbot College (Ste-Anne-de-Bellevue, Quebec) Dr Jennifer Nagel, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, University of Toronto Dr Baljit Nagra, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Ottawa; SSHRC Postdoctoral Fellow Dr Joanne Naiman, Professor Emerita of Sociology, Ryerson University Waleed Najmeddine, Principal, Fort McMurray Public School District Austin Nam, graduate student, University of Toronto Dr Ajamu Nangwaya, Contract Faculty, Seneca College Dr Shaun Narine, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, St Thomas University Muneeb Nasir, writer and community activist Nisha Nath, PhD candidate, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Anita Nathan, Articling Student Nazlin A Nathu, barrister and solicitor Dr Alireza Navabi, Assoicate Professor, University of Guelph Ayesha Nawaz, teacher and research assistant, Wilfrid Laurier University Hadayt Nazami, lawyer, Partner at Jackman, Nazami & Associates Dr Jennifer J Nelson, researcher and author Dr Sheryl Nestel, PhD Dr Melanie Newton, Director of Caribbean Studies at New College and Associate Professor of History, University of Toronto Dr Winnie Ng, CAW Sam Gindin Chair in Social Justice and Democracy, Ryerson University Dr Judith Nicholson, Associate Professor, Communication Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Mervyn Nicholson, Professor, Department of English, Thompson Rivers University Dr Emilia Nielsen, Teaching Fellow, Quest University Michael Nijhawan, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Marielle Nitoslawska, Professor, School of Cinema, Concordia University Maire Noonan, Researcher and Course Instructor, McGill University Mohammad Norouzi, PhD candidate, University of Toronto Dr Lissa L North, Professor Emeritus, York University Dr Sam Noumoff, Professor (retired), McGill University Sean O’Brien, PhD candidate, University of Alberta Dr Susie O’Brien, Associate Professor, Department of English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University Dr Anne O’Connell, Associate Profesor, School of Social Work, York University Dr Obiora Okafor, Professor, Osgoode Hall Law School Dr Colleen O’Manique, Associate Professor, Trent University Dr Eimear O’Neill, Affilate Transformative Learning Centre, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto Casey Oraa, artist and activist Jennifer Orange, lawyer; SJD candidate, University of Toronto Faculty of Law Dr Garnet Ord, Associate Professor, Ryerson University Dr Maria-Belen Ordonez, PhD, Assistant Professor, Ontario College of Art and Design University Dr Pat O’Riley, Associate Professor, University of British Columbia Dr Michael Ornstein, Associate Professor of Sociology, York University Dr Deborah Orr, Associate Professor, Department of Humanities, York University M Tamer Ozsu, Professor, Cheriton School of Computer Science, University of Waterloo Umut Ozsu, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Manitoba Dr Shehnaz Pabani, physician; Assistant Professor, Northern Ontario School of Medicine Michael Palamarek, Course Director, Glendon College, York University Dr Genevieve Page, Professeure, Department de science politique, Universite de Quebec a Montreal Lena Carla Palacios, PhD candidate, McGill University Dr Patricia Palulis, Associate Professor, University of Ottawa Dr Idrisa Pandit, Director, Studies in Islam, University of Waterloo Dr Leo Panitch, Senior Canada Research Chair in Comparative Political Economy and Distinguished Research Professor of Political Science, York University Dr Margaret Aziza Pappano, Associate Professor of English, Queen’s University Fran Pappert-Shannon, Director of Public Relations, Coalition of Muslim Women of Kitchener-Waterloo Dr Martin Papillon, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Université de Montreal Dr Sylvie Paquerot, Associate Professor, University of Ottawa Dre Camille Paquette, Public Health and Preventive Medicine Specialist, Public Health Board of Outaouais Andre Paradis, Former President, Amnesty International Canada French-speaking section; Former Executive Director, Ligue des droits et libertés du Quebec Nicolas Paradis-Isler, PhD student, Université de Montréal Daniel J. Paré, Associate Professor, School of Information Studies, University of Ottawa Dr Hyon Ok Park, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Ondine Park, PhD candidate, University of Alberta Dr Stuart Parker, Sessional Lecturer, Department of History, University of British Columbia; Session Lecturer, Department of History, Simon Fraser University; President, Los Altos Institute Debra Parkes, Associate Dean (Research and Graduate Studies), Faculty of Law, University of Manitoba Dr Ilya Parkins, Associate Professor, Gender and Women’s Studies, University of British Columbia Dr David Lorge Parnas, Professor Emeritus, CAS, Engineering, McMaster University; Professor Emeritus, CSIS, University of Limerick (Ireland) John Parry, community activist; Member of Parliament, 1984-1988 Dr Laila Parsons, Associate Professor of History and Islamic Studies, McGill University Dr Donna Patrick, Professor of Sociology and Anthropology, Carleton University Dr Viviana Patroni, Associate Professor, York University Dr Caroline Patsias, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, UQAM Dr Steve Patten, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Dr Donald Patterson, Professor of Physical Chemistry (reitred), McGill University Elisabeth Patterson, lawyer, Partner, Dionne Schulze Dr Genevieve Delmas Patterson, Professor of Physical Chemistry (retired), UQAM Dr Justin Paulson, Associate Professor, Carleton University William Payne, PhD candidate, Critical Human Geography, York University Dr Alejandro I Paz, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of Toronto Scarborough Dr Linda Peake, Professor, York University Karen Pearlston, Associate Professor of Law, University of New Brunswick Mueed Peerbhoy, lawyer Dr Amanda Peet, Associate Professor, Department of Physics, University of Toronto Dr Kip Pegley, Associate Professor, Queen’s University Pamela D Pengelley, civil litigation counsel Masood Peracha, Chair, Edmonton Council of Muslim Communities Dr Dario Perinetti, professeur agrégé, Département de philosophie, Université du Québec à Montréal Dr Nalini Persram, Associate Professor, Faculty of Liberal Arts & Professional Studies and Centre for Research on Latin America and the Caribbean, York University Dr John Peters, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Laurentian University Dr Stephen Phillips, Instructor, Department of Political Science, Langara College Elizabeth Pickett, LLM Dr Elaine Pigeon, Part-Time Faculty, Concordia University Dr Glyne Piggott, Professor Emeritus, McGill University Dr Lila Pine, Associate Professor, New Media, RTA, School of Media Norman A Pizzale, lawyer; Professor of Social Justice and Peace Studies, Kings University College, University of Western Ontario Dr Judith Pocock, Sessional Lecturer, University of Toronto Dr Justin Podur, Associate Professor, York University Dr Marie-Laurence Poirel, Professeure adjointe, Ecole de service social, Universite de Montreal Marion Pollack, retired union activist Nancy Pollack, Instructor, Langara College, Vancouver Dr James N Porter, Professor Emeritus, York University Dr Marilyn Porter, Research Professor Emerita, Memorial University of Newfoundland Dr Garry Potter, Associate Professor, Wilfrid Laurier University Mahla Poudineh, PhD candidate, University of Toronto Dr Afsaneh Pourdowlat, cardiologist Dr Natasha Pravaz, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Richard J Preston, Professor Emeritus, McMaster University Dr John Price, Professor of History, University of Victoria Dr Edmund Pries, Assistant Professor, Department of Global Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Jason Prince, Part-Time Faculty, School of Community and Public Affairs, Concordia University Christopher Pringle, Director, Industry and Government Relations, Department of Mechanical and Mechatronics Engineering, University of Waterloo Dr Craig Proulx, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, St Thomas University Dr Trevor Purvis, Department of Law and Legal Studies, Carleton University Boyd Pyper, former lawyer, political staffer and policy analyst Amna Qureshi, JD, Student-at-Law Dr Mary Beth Raddon, Associate Professor, Brock University Amal Radie, PhD candidate, University of Toronto Dr Chengiah Ragaven, former Head of the African National Congress, Montreal; former Professor, Department of Sociology, Concordia University Dr Shadaab Rahemtulla, Assistant Professor, School of International Studies, University of Jordan Dr Najat Rahman, Associate Professor, Universite de Montreal Dr Mythili Rajiva, Associate Professor, Institute of Feminist and Gender Studies, University of Ottawa Dr Julie Rak, Professor, English and Film Studies, University of Alberta Diana Ralph, Steering Committee Member, Independent Jewish Voices Canada Anis Rahman, PhD candidate and Sessional Instructor, School of Communication, Simon Fraser University Ebad Rahman, lawyer Dr Jennifer Rahman, MD; Chair, Winnipeg Central Mosque Council Dr Mona N Rahman, Post-Doctoral Fellow, Department of Biomedical and Molecular Sciences, Queen’s University Dr Saeed Rahnema, Professor, York University Nanky Rai, MPH; medical student, University of Toronto Dr Geneviève Rail, Principal, Simone de Beauvoir Institute, Concordia University Sujata Ramachandran, Canadian Council of South Africans Omar Ramahi, Professor, University of Waterloo Judith Ramirez, former member, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Dr Jesleen Rana, physician Dr Denis Rancourt, former Full Professor of Physics, University of Ottawa Dr Norma Rantisi, Professor, Concordia University Dr Leda Raptis, Professor, Department of Microbiology, Queen’s University Dr Marjorie Ratcliffe, Professor, Department of Modern Languages and Literatures, University of Western Ontario Dr Frances Ravensbergen, Part-Time Faculty, Concordia University Dr Sherene Razack, Professor, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto Denise Reaume, Professor of Law, University of Toronto Judy Rebick, author Dr Nevin Reda, Assistant Professor of Muslim Studies, Emmanuel College, University of Toronto Bahija Reghai, Former President, National Council on Canada-Arab Relations (NCCAR) Yousef Rehman, lawyer Dr Maggie Reid, PhD candidate, York Univeristy and Ryerson University Dr James Reilly, Professor, Modern Middle East History, University of Toronto Dr Marilee Reimer, Professor of Sociology, St Thomas University Dr Richard A Rempel, Professor Emeritus of History, McMaster University Dr Carrie Rentschler, Associate Professor, McGill University Jennifer Reynolds, PhD candidate, Dalla Lana Faculty of Public Health, University of Toronto Dr Pilar Riano-Alcala, Associate Professor, University of British Columbia Sandrine Ricci, Doctorante et charge de cours en sociologie, UQAM Dr Brian Rice, Associate Professor, University of Winnipeg Faisca Richer, Faculté de Médecine, Université McGill Karen Ridd, Instructor, Conflict Resolution Studies and International Development Studies, Menno Simons College, Canadian Mennonite University and University of Winnipeg Krista Riley, PhD candidate, Communication Studies, Concordia University; Editor-in Chief, Muslimah Media Watch Michael Riordon, author Papagena Robbins, PhD candidatre, Film and Moving Image Studies, Concordia University Dr Karen Robert, Associate Professor, Department of History, St Thomas University Dr Clive Robertson, Associate Professor, Art History and Graduate Program in Cultural Studies, Queen’s University Dr Kristy Robertson, Associate Professor, Department of Visual Arts, University of Western Ontario Dr Leslie Robertson, Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of British Columbia Dr Stephen Rockel, Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Toronto Dr Ian Roderick, Associate Professor, Communication Studies, Wilfrid Laurier University Jillian Rogin, LLB, Women in Solidarity with Palestine Dr Louise Rolingher, Contract Lecturer, Middle Eastern and African Studies Program, University of Alberta Dr Vincent Romani, Professor, University du Quebec a Montreal Dr Deirdre Rose, Independent Researcher and Sessional Lecturer Herman Rosenfeld, Sessional Instructor, Labour Studies and Political Science, McMaster University and York University Dr Michael L Ross, Professor Emeritus, Department of English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University Dr Stephanie Ross, Associate Professor, Department of Social Science, York University Dr Amy Rossiter, Professor, York University Dr Reuben Roth, Assistant Professor, Laurentian University Dr Marty Roth, Professor Emeritus of English, University of Minnesota Dr E Natalie Rothman, Associate Professor of History, University of Toronto Nadia Rouchdy, World Wildlife Fund Dr Matthew Rowlinson, Professor, Department of English and Centre for Theory and Criticism, Western University Dr Shelagh Roxburgh, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa Dr Anne Rubenstein, Associate Professor, History Department, York University Dr Marjorie Rubright, Associate Professor of English, University of Toronto Dr Susan Ruddick, Professor, Department of Geography and Planning, University of Toronto Dr Karin Ruehrdanz, Professor, University of Toronto; Curator, Royal Ontario Museum Zach Ruiter, journalist Blair Rutherford, Professor, Sociology and Anthropology, Carleton University Dr Ted Rutland, Assistant Professor, Department of Geography, Planning and Environment, Concordia University Sid Ryan, President, Ontario Federation of Labour Dr Kim Rygiel, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Wilfrid Laurier University Jasmine Sacharuk, graduate student, Anthropology, University of British Columbia Sana Saeed, producer, Al Jazeera Plus Roula Said, Arabic vocalist and musician Anais Salamon, Bibliothecaire en chef, Bibliotheque d’etudes islamiques, McGill University Dr Rania Salem, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Toronto Scarborough Dr Anver Saloojee, Professor, Ryerson University Leigh Salsberg, immigration and refugee lawyer Dr Ariel Salzmann, Associate Professor, Islamic and World History, Queen’s University Sheila Sampath, Fellow, RSA, British Council TN2020; Principal and Creative Director at The Public; Editorial and Art Director and Shameless magazine; Instructor, OCAD University Dr Jumana Samara, physician Pietro Sammarco, graduate student, School of Communication, Simon Fraser University Dr Catriona Sandilands, Professor, Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University Magaly San Martin, Professor, Sheridan College Linda Santoloce, member, Canadians Arabs and Jews for a Just Peace (Halifax) Madalena Santos, PhD candidate and Contract Instructor, Carleton University Tomislav Sapic, Technologist, Lakehead University Dr Dominique Sarny, Professeur, University of Regina Dr George Sawa, Independent Scholar, Medieval Arabic Music History Dr Asma Sayeed, Associate Professor of Islamic Studies, UCLA-NELC Dr Rebecca Schein, Assistant Professor, Human Rights, Institute of Interdisciplinary Studies, Carleton University Dr Carol Schick, Associate Professor, Faculty of Education, University of Regina Ashley Schram, PhD candidate, University of Ottawa Dr Sarah Schulman, Distinguished Professor, City University of New York; Fellow, University of Toronto Dr Jennifer L Schulz, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Manitoba Dr Carol Schwartz, Senior Research Associate, Department of Cell and Systems Biology, University of Toronto Kaia Scott, PhD candidate, Concordia University Kerry Scott, PhD candidate, Johns Hopkins School of Public Health Dr Jonathan M Sears, Assistant Professor of International Development Studies, Menno Simons College at University of Winnipeg Dr Mark Seasons, Professor, School of Planning, Faculty of Environment, University of Waterloo Dr Elizabeth Seaton, author; former Associate Professor, Graduate Programme in Communication and Culture, York University Dr May Seikaly, Wayne State University Robert Semeniuk, photojournalist Dr Ken Seigneurie, Professor and Director of the Program in World Literature, Simon Fraser University Domenico Sergi, PhD researcher and Community Engagement Officer, Horniman Museums, London Dr Michael Seymour, Full Professor, Department of Philosophy, Université de Montréal Noa Shaindlinger, PhD candidate, Department of Near and Middle Easter Civilizations and the Centre for Diasporta and Transnational Studies, University of Toronto Hend Shalan, PhD candidate, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Majid Sharif, Associate Professor in International Affairs, Eastern Washington University Dr Jayeeta Sharma, Associate Professor of History and Global Asia Studies, University of Toronto Dr Mary J Shariff, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Manitoba Dr Victor Shea, Associate Professor, Humanities, York University Elizabeth Sheehy, Professor of Law, University of Ottawa Dr Khatereh Sheibani, Assistant Professor, Department of Language, Literatures and Linguistics, York University Dr Adeel Sheikh, physician C Tess Sheldon, lawyer and graduate student Dr Lynette Shultz, Associate Professor and Co-Director, Centre for Global Citizenship Education and Research, Department of Educational Policy Studies, University of Alberta Greg Shupak, Sessional Faculty, University of Guelph Yusra Siddiquee, Partner, Norton Rose Fulbright Shahina Siddiqui, President, Islamic Social Services Association Canada Shahzad Siddiqui, Managing Partner, Abrahams LLP Dr Reed Siemieniuk, MD Jack Silberman, School of Motion Picture Arts, Capilano University Dr Laury Silvers, PhD, Islamic Studies Stephanie Sim, Partner, Prkacin Gammon & Sim Mark Simpson, Associate Professor, Department of English and Film Studies, University of Alberta Dr Raj Singh, Associate Professor, Institute of Cognitive Science, Careleton University Dr Rama Singh, Professor, McMaster University Bill Skidmore, Professor, Carleton University, Ottawa Jill Skinner, JD (International Law) Dr Stephen Slemon, Professor, English and Film Studies, University of Alberta Dr Sharon Sliwinski, Associate Professor, Faculty of Information and Media Studies, University of Western Ontario Dr Harry Smaller, Associate Professor (Emeritus), York University Douglas Kristopher Smith, Guest Researcher, School of Translation and Interpretation, University of Ottawa Dr Sean Smith, independent scholar Susan Gold Smith, Professor Emeritus, University of Windsor Dr Naava Smolash, Faculty of English, Douglas College Gemma Smyth, Associate Professor and Academic Clinic Director, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor Dr Celeste Snowber, Associate Professor, Simon Fraser University Dr Anna Snyder, Associate Professor, Menno Simons College Mona Sobhani, graduate student, University of Toronto Dr Matt Soar, Associate Professor of Communication Studies, Concordia University Dr Susanne Soederberg, Department of Global Development Studies and Department of Political Studies, Queen’s University Heather Spears (Goldenberg), member, Society of Authors, League of Canadian Poets, Writers’ Union of Canada Dr Jacqueline Solway, Professor of International Development Studies, Trent University Cayley Sorochan, PhD candidate, McGill University Dr Taib Souifi, Professeur de philosophie en retraite, Universite de Saint-Boniface, Manitoba Youcef Soufi, PhD Candidate, Department for the Study of Religion, University of Toronto; Jackman Humanities Institute Fellow Dr Metta Spencer, Professor Emeritus of Sociology, University of Toronto Dr Denise Spitzer, Canada Research Chair, Institute of Feminist and Gender Studies and Institute of Population Health, University of Ottawa Dr David Spring, Professor, Department of Mathematics, York University Dr Susan Spronk, Associate Professor, University of Ottawa Dr Stella Sandahl, Professor (retired), University of Toronto Dr Glenn Stalker, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Dr Davia Stasiulis, Professor of Sociology, Carleton University Dr Jennifer A Stephen, Associate Professor, Department of History, York University Dr Peter H Stephenson, Professor Emeritus, Department of Anthropology, University of Victoria Dr Jonathan Sterne, Professor, Department of Art History and Communication Studies, McGill University Dr Erin Steuter, Professor, Socioogy, Mount Allison University Dr Andrew Stevens, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Business Administration, University of Regina Dr Paul Stevens, Professor and Canada Research Chair, Department of English, University of Toronto; Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada Dr Penni Stewart, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Ken Stone, former Steering Committee Member Canadian Peace Alliance Dr Paul Matthew St Pierre, Department of English, Simon Fraser University Dr Florence Stratton, Professor (retired), Department of English, University of Regina Dr Jennifer Selby, Associate Professor of Religious Studies, Memorial University of Newfoundland Dr Paul Stevens, Professor and Canada Research Chair, Department of English, University of Toronto; Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada Dr Makere Stewart-Harawira, Associate Professor of Indigenous, Environmental and Global Studies, University of Alberta Brett Story, PhD candidate, Department of Geography, University of Toronto Chis Stoute, Professor Emeritus of Engineering, Ryerson University Kevin Stranack, Librarian, Simon Fraser University Dr Kiven Strohm, Assistant Professor and Teaching Fellow, Department of Sociology, Anthropology, Psychology, and Egyptology, The American University in Cairo Dr Veronica Strong-Boag, Historian and Historical Consultant; Professor Emerita, Institute for Gender, Race, Sexuality and Social Justice/Educational Studies, University of British Columbia Dr Tristan Sturm, Assistant Professor of Geography and Director of Critical Border Studies, York University Dr Narendra Subramanian, Associate Professor of Political Science, McGill University Aamir Sukhera, Youth Advocate, Thorncliffe Park Dr Dwyer Sullivan, Coordinator of Educators for Justice, Christian Peacemaker teams, St Jerome’s Catholic Campus Ministry Ameena Sultan, Director, Arab Canadian Lawyers’ Association Dr Donald Swartz, Professor (retired), Carleton University Elizabeth Sweeney, educator Itrath Syed, PhD candidate, School of Communication, Simon Fraser University Dr Sumairah Syed, MD, Lecturer, University of Toronto Joshua Synenko, PhD candidate, York University; Contract Faculty, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Vannina Sztainbok, Lecturer, Department of Social Justice Education, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto Denise Tarud, Instructor, School of Continuing Studies, University of Toronto Dr Alison Taylor, Professor, Department of Educational Policy Studies and Director, Community Service-Learning, University of Alberta Dr Charles Taylor, philosopher James H Taylor, Professor Emeritus, Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering, University of New Brunswick Dr Nicholad Terpstra, Professor and Chair, Department of History, University of Toronto Rhon Teruelle, PhD candidate, University of Toronto Dr Alanna Thain, Associate Professor, McGill University Dr Nancy Thede, Professeure, Department de science politique, Universite de Quebec a Montreal Madeleine Thien, writer; International Faculty, City University of Hong Kong; 2014 Writer-in-Residence, University of Guelph Dr Sitara Thobani, DPhil, Oxford University Dr Sunera Thobani, Associate Professor, University of British Columbia Jasmine Thomas, PhD candidate, Department of Sociology, University of Alberta Dr Mark Thomas, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Elise Thorburn, Instructor, Memorial University of Newfoundland Dr Lori Thorlakson, Director, European Centre of Excellence, Associate Professor and Jean Monnet Chair, Department of Poltical Science, University of Alberta Dr Chris Tillman, Associate Professor of Philosophy, University of Manitoba Dr Shirley Tillotson, Professor, Department of History, Dalhousie University Dr Vina Tirven-Gadum, Associate Professor, French Literary Studies, Athabasca University Dr Neil Tomlinson, Associate Professor, Department of Politics and Public Administration, Ryerson University Dr Mahdi Tourage, Associate Professor of Religious Studies and Social Justice and Peace Studies, King’s University College, University of Western Ontario Dr Benoit Tousignant, Clinical Faculty, University of Montreal School of Optometry Dr Michael Truscello, Assistant Professor, Department of English, Mount Royal University Eric Tucker, Professor, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University Dr Sean Tucker, Associate Professor, Faculty of Business Administration, University of Regina Dr Steven Tufts, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, York University Dr Ethel Tungohan, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, University of Alberta Earl Turcotte, former Canadian diplomat and development worker Dr James L Turk, Distinguished Visiting Professor, Ryerson University Svetla Turnin, graduate student, Concordia University; Executive Director, Cinema Politica Network Marianna Tzabiras, human rights advocate Dr Theresa Ulicki, Assistant Professor, Department of International Development Studies, Dalhousie University Melanie Dennis Unrau, PhD student, University of Manitoba Dr Nawaid Usmani, MD, Associate Professor, University of Alberta Dr Ebru Ustundag, Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Brock University Dr Peyman Vahabzadeh, Director, Cultural, Social, and Political Thought Program and Associate Professor, Department of Socioogy, University of Victoria Dr Ellen Vaillancourt, Coordinator, Centre for the Comparative Study of Muslim Societies and Cultures, Simon Fraser University Dr John Valleau, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto Maria Vamvalis, educator Dr Emily van der Meulen, Assistant Professor, Department of Criminology, Ryerson University Dr Gail Vanstone, Associate Professor, Department of Humanities, York University Dr Karine Vanthuyne, Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Ottawa Dr Cathy van Ingen, Associate Professor, Brock University Dr Peter C van Wyck, Professor, Department of Communication Studies, Concordia University Dr Asha Varadharajan, Associate Professor, Queen’s University Dr Darrell Varga, Associate Professor and Canada Research Chair, Nova Scotia College of Art and Design University Dr Aniko Varpalotai, Professor Emerita, Faculty of Education, University of Western Ontario Dr Ashwini Vasanthakumar, Term Fellow in Political Theory, University College, Oxford Dr Lise Vaugeois, Adjunct Professor, Faculty of Education, Lakehead University Dr Carolyn Veldstra, Sesional Instructor, Institute on Globalization and the Human Condition, McMaster University Dr Jim Vernon, Associate Professor, Philosophy, York University Dr Michael Vézina, Professor, Social and Preventive Medicine Department, Laval University Dr Julien Villeneuve, Philosophy, Collège de Maisonneuve (Montréal, Québec) John Voorpostel, Chair, World Interfaith Harmony Week Steering Committee Toronto Dr Mark Vorobej, Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, McMaster University Dr Colleen Wagner, Associate Professor, York University Sama Waham, graduate student, York University Dr Pauline Wakeham, Associate Professor, Department of English, Western University Dr Rinaldo Walcott, Associate Professor, University of Toronto Harsha Walia, LLB, author and activist Dr Naomi Binder Wall, Professor, Laurentian University at Georgian College Dr Maria Wallis, Contract Faculty, York University and Ryerson University Julia Walter, activist Dr Dawn Waring, Associated Faculty, St Stephen’s College Dr Germaine Warkentin, Professor Emeritus of English, University of Toronto Dr John Clarke Warkentin, Professor (former), Lakehead University Dr Rosemary Warskett, Carleton University Dr Christopher Waters, Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor Josie Watson, Instructor, Faculty of Nursing, University of Windsor Christopher Webb, PhD student, University of Toronto Marlene Webber, writer Dr Michelle Weinroth, writer and teacher Dr Daniel Weinstock, Professor, Faculty of Law and Director, Institute for Health and Social Policy, McGill University Dr Laura Westra, Professor Emerita (Philosophy), University of Windsor; Sessional Instructor, Faculty of Law, Sessional Instructor, Faculty of Jurisprudence, University of Milano; Sessional Instructor, Faculty of Jurisprudence, University of Trento Dr Robert Wisnovsky, Professor, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University Dr James Whidden, Professor, Acadia University Dr Robin Whitaker, Department of Anthropology, Memorial University of Newfoundland Holly White, Student Leadership Programs Coordinatory, Memorial University of Newfoundland Dr Elizabeth Whitmore, Professor Emerita, Carleton University Dr Sandra Whitworth, Professor, Political Science, York University Dr David Whitson, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta Anna Willate, Faculty, George Brown College Dr Melissa Williams, Professor of Political Science, University of Toronto Dr Janice Williamson, Professor, English and Film Studies, University of Alberta Dr Sheila Wilmot, Contract Faculty, Ryerson University Dr James Winter, Professor of Communication, Media and Film, University of Windsor Dr Stefan Winter, Professeur, Département d’histoire, Université du Québec à Montréal Dr Ezra Winton, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, NSCAD University; Director of Programming, Cinema Politica Network; Writer and Contributing Editor, Art Threat, POV Magazine Rita Wong, writer Jo Wood, Professor of Psychology (retired) Dr Lesley Wood, Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, York University Dr Howard Woodhouse, Professor, Department of Educational Foundations, University of Saskatchewan Dr Thom Workman, Professor, Department of Political Science, University of New Brunswick Dr Renee Worringer, Associate Professor of Islamic and Middle East History, University of Guelph Dr Julia M Wright, Professor, Dalhousie University Dr Jen Wrye, Instructor, North Island College Dr Sujith Xavier, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor h. Yael, artist; Professor, OCAD University Dr Azadeh Yamini-Hamedani, Assistnat Professor, Simon Fraser University Dr Jaime Yard, Faculty, Department of Anthropology, Douglas College Dr Lorraine York, Department of English and Cultural Studies, McMaster University Dr Chris Youe, Honorary Research Professor of History, Memorial University of Newfoundland Claire Young, Professor Emerita, Faculty of Law, The University of British Columbia Dr Donna Young, Assistant Professor of Socio-Cultural Anthropology, University of Toronto Margot Young, Professor, Faculty of Law, University of British Columbia Dr Heather Young-Leslie, Associate Adjunct Professor, University of Alberta Dr Philip Zachernuk, Associate Professor, Department of History, Dalhousie University Dr Ali Hassan Zaidi, Associate Professor, Department of Global Studies and Co-Coordinator, Muslim Studies Option, Wilfrid Laurier University Dr Anna Zalik, Associate Professor, York University Yedida Zalik, LLB/MSW, University of Toronto Nima Zareian, PhD candidate, University of Toronto Dr Jerry Zaslove, Simons Chair, Graduate Liberal Studies, Simon Fraser University Dr Ismail Zayid, President, Canada Palestine Association Steven Zhou, journalist Dr Lyubov Zhyznomirska, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Saint Mary’s University Dr Jasmin Zine, Associate Professor, Wilfrid Laurier University Terezia Zoric, Senior Lecturer, Department of Social Justice Education, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto Dr Michael Zryd, Associate Professor, York University Adnan Zuberi, filmmaker
Institutional and organizational affiliations are listed for identification purposes only, and do not imply endorsement by the institution or organization.
The letter will remain open for signing as long as there is significant demand to sign on, and an updated version of the letter will be re-sent to its addressees for every 500 new signatories.
Although there is now a ceasefire, the petition is still open with its demand that the US change its policy toward Palestine / Israel. Click here to sign if you are a historian.
Historians’ Letter to President Obama and Members of Congress
July 31, 2014
In the face of the ongoing carnage in Gaza, members of Historians Against the War are circulating the letter below, with an initial list of signatories. We encourage you to sign it and to quickly forward this message to fellow historians. As our numbers grow, we will seek opportunities to publicize and to forward to relevant officials.
We deplore the ongoing attacks against civilians in Gaza and in Israel. We also recognize the disproportionate harm that the Israeli military, which the United States has armed and supported for decades, is inflicting on the population of Gaza.
We are profoundly disturbed that Israeli forces are killing and wounding so many Palestinian children. Desperate conditions in Gaza resulting from Israeli policies have made effective evacuation of war zones virtually impossible. We regard as unacceptable the failure of United States elected officials to hold Israel accountable for such acts.
As we watch the death toll mount and observe the terror of the trapped inhabitants in Gaza, we call upon you to demand a cease-fire, the immediate withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza, and a permanent end to the blockade so that its people can resume some semblance of normal life. We urge you to suspend US military aid to Israel, until there is assurance that this aid will no longer be used for the commission of war crimes.
As historians, we recognize this as a moment of acute moral crisis in which it is vitally important that United States policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict change direction.
Please add your name to this letter.
Signed (list in formation)
United States Historians
Kathryn Abbott, formerly of Western Kentucky University Osama Abi-Mershed, Georgetown University Gisela Ables, Houston Community College Sydney Aboul-Hossn, Pennsylvania State University Ervand Abrahamian, City University of New York Patricia Acerbi, Russell Sage College Seth Ackerman, Cornell University Rodolfo F. Acuna, California State University, Northridge Jean-Christophe Agnew, Yale University Kevan Aguilar, University of California, San Diego Peter Alegi, Michigan State University Robert Alegre, University of New England Leslie Alexander, Associate Professor, Ohio State University Sadath Ali, Greenwood College Linda Kelly Alkana, California State University Long Beach Harriet Alonso, City College of New York Benjamin Alpers, University of Oklahoma, Bonnie S. Anderson, City University of New York Ovamir Anjum, Associate Professor, University of Toledo Ali Anooshahr, University of California, Davis Alejandro Anreus, William Paterson University David Applebaum, Rowan University, Emeritus Bettina Aptheker, University of California, Santa Cruz Marisol Arbelaez, University of Nebraska at Omaha Troy Andreas Araiza Kokinis, University of California San Diego Ana Lucia Araujo, Howard University Annette Aronowicz, Franklin & Marshall College Silvia Arrom, Brandeis University (emerita) LeRoy Ashby, Regents Professor Emeritus, Washington State University Jeanie Attie, Long Island University Paul Atwood, University of Massachusetts-Boston Cemil Aydin, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Abdul Aziz, Matthew Boulton College Kathryn Babayan, University of Michigan Lutz Bacher, Professor emeritus, Robert Morris University Maher Bader, University professor Aaron Bae, Arizona State University John Baesler, Saginaw Valley State University Riad Bahhur, Sacramento City College Ellen Baker, Riverdale Country School Mark Baker, California State University, Bakersfield Shelley Baranowski, University of Akron Llana Barber, SUNY College at Old Westbury Graham Barker-Benfield,S (Emeritus) State University of New York, Albany Teresa Barnes, University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Beth Baron, City University of New York Sabrina Baron, University of Maryland Jean Jacques Barrera/Targarona, University of Texas Dale Baum, Texas A&M University Rosalyn Baxandall, SUNY Old Westbury, CUNY Labor School, emirita Kristin Bayer, Marist College Marc Becker, Truman State University Richard Bensel, Cornell University Joel Beinin, Donald J. McLachlan Professor of History, Stanford University Pennee Bender, ASHP, Graduate Center, CUNY Houri Berberian, California State University, Long Beach Dan Berger, University of Washington, Bothell Iris Berger, University at Albany, SUNY Rachel Berger, Concordia University Joyce Berkman, University of Massachusetts Alison Bernstein, Rutgers University Joe Berry, City College of San Francisco and U of IL, retired Carel Bertram, San Francisco State University Tithi Bhattacharya, Purdue University Frank Biess, University of California-San Diego Cyrus Bina, University of Minnesota Martha Biondi, Northwestern University Elizabeth Bishop, Texas State University Ashley Black, State University of New York, Stony Brook University Ned Blackhawk, Yale University Dexter Blackman, Loyola Marymount University Allison Blakely, Professor of History Emeritus, Boston University Rebecca Boehling, University of Maryland Baltimore County James Borchert, Cleveland State University, Emeritus Eileen Boris, University of California Santa Barbara Antoine Borrut, University of Maryland J.P. Borum, New York University Ellen Boucher, Amherst College David Bremenstuhl, Education Laureate, Human Rights Activist Leader Lenni Brenner, The Middle East Crisis Committee Robert Brenner, UCLA Howard Brick, University of Michigan Renate Bridenthal, Brooklyn College, Emerita Kaye Briegel, California State University, Long Beach Steve Brier, CUNY Graduate Center Laura Briggs, University of Massachusetts Amherst Erica Brindley, Pennsylvania State University Nancy Bristow, University of Puget Sound Zachary Brittsan, Texas Tech University Frank Brodhead, Independent Scholar Lisa Brooks, Amherst College Carolyn Brown, Rutgers University Jeffrey Brown, University of New Brunswick Joshua Brown, Graduate Center, CUNY David Brundage, University of California, Santa Cruz John Buchanan, Cambridge, Massachusetts Derek Buckaloo, Coe College Susan Buck-Morss, CUNY Graduate Center Paul Buhle, Brown University, retired Edmund Burke, University of California, Santa Cruz Jo Butterfield, University of Iowa Judith Byfield, Cornell University Daniel Byrne, University of Evansville Cara Caddoo, Indiana University Bloomington Antonio Calabria, University of Texas, San Antonio, retired Daniel Calhoun, University of California, Davis, Emeritus Ardis Cameron, University of Southern Maine Scott Camil, Independent Scholar Stephen Campbell, University of California, Santa Barbara Amie Campos, University of California, San Diego Sheila Carapico, University of Richmond David Carlson, Archivist Chris Carlsson, co-director, Shaping San Francisco Juan Carmona Zabala, University of California, San Diego Berenice Carroll, Professor Emerita, Univ. of Illinois /Purdue Univ. John Carson, University of Michigan Bruno Carvalho, Princeton University Pedro Castillo, Professor of History, Emeritus, University of California, Santa Cruz Veronica Castillo-Munoz, UC Santa Barbara Mary Ann Caton, University of Pittsburgh Joe Cattolico, High School US History Teacher Michael Cavey, Northern Virginia Community College David Chang, University of Minnesota Kornel Chang, Rutgers University-Newark Adam Charboneau, Long Island University–Post Sally D. Charnow, Hofstra University Philip Chassler, University of Massachusetts Boston Amy Chazkel, City University of New York Thomas Chen, Tufts University Aviva Chomsky, Salem State University Karen Christianson, Newberry Library Julia Clancy-Smith, University of Arizona Anne Clement, North Carolina State University Maggie Clinton, Middlebury College Bruce Cohen, Worcester State University Deborah Cohen, University of Missouri-St. Louis Miriam Cohen, Vassar College Jim Collins, Georgetown University Brian Connolly, University of South Florida Paul Conrad, Colorado State University-Pueblo Carlos Contreras, Grossmont College Blanche Cooke, John Jay College, Graduate Center/City University Sandi Cooper, College of Staten Island/CUNY Mary F. Corey, UCLA Miguel Corona, Anahuac University Matthew Countryman, University of Michigan Sylla Cousineau, UWC Robert Bosch College Ben Cowan, George Mason University Raymond Craib, Cornell University Feather Crawford, University of Oregon Richard Crepeau, University of Central Florida Robert Crews, Stanford University Paul Croce, Stetson University Emilye Crosby, SUNY Geneseo Kenneth Cuno, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Susan Curtis, Purdue University Daniel Czitrom, Mount Holyoke College Marcus Daniel, University of Hawaii Manoa Melissa Darby, Lower Columbia Research and Archaeology Linda Darling, University of Arizona Robert Darnton, Harvard University Max Dashu, Director, Suppressed Histories Archives, Richmond, CA Kavita Datla, Mount Holyoke College Nicolas J S Davies, Independent Researcher Mike Davis, University of California, Riverside Susan Davis, University of Illinois, Urbana Champaign Taiyo Davis, Clemson University Victoria de Grazia, Columbia University Enrique del Castillo, Penn State University Jose Carlos de la Puente, Texas State University Heather DeHaan, Binghamton University Brian DeLay, UC Berkeley Ivonne del Valle, University of California, Berkeley Mike Deley, National Labor College Jenise DePinto, College of Saint Rose/ Albany, NY Jennifer Derr, University of California, Santa Cruz Christine Desan, Harvard Law School Suzanne Desan, University of Wisconsin-Madison Dennis Deslippe, Franklin & Marshall College Wendy DeSouza, University of California/ Davis Sandra Deutsch, University of Texas at El Paso Narjes Diab, University of Illinois Alan Shane Dillingham, Reed College Sasha Disko, New York University, Berlin Mac Dixon-Fyle, DePauw University Mara Dodge, Westfield State University Joel Doerfler, Riverdale Country School, New York Myrna Cherkoss Donahoe, (emeritus) CSU, Domiguez Hills Simon Doubleday, Hofstra University Jay Driskell, Hood College Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, California State University, Emerita Christopher Ebert, Brooklyn College/CUNY Robert Edelman, University of California, San Diego Leena Eichberger Carolyn Eisenberg, Hofstra University Hester Eisenstein, Queens College & Graduate Center, CUNY Omnia El Shakry, University of California, Davis Tamer el-Leithy, New York University Ola Elsaid, University of Michigan Brenda Elsey, Hofstra University Andrew Epstein, Yale University Barbara Epstein, University of California, Santa Cruz C. G. Estabrook, U. Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, (emeritus) Matthew Evangelista, Cornell University Sara M. Evans, Regents Professor, University of Minnesota, (emerita) Stuart Ewen, Distinguished Professor, The Graduate Center, CUNY Maryam Fakhran, George Washington University Edward Falk, University of California, San Diego Elizabeth Farfan-Santos, University of Houston Lynn Faulkner, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Andrew Feffer, Union College, Schenectady NY Andrew Feight, Shawnee State University Crystal Feimster, Yale University Heather Ferguson, Claremont McKenna College Karen Ferguson, Simon Fraser University Johanna Fernandez, Baruch College, CUNY Lilia Fernandez, Ohio State University Jason Ferreira, San Francisco State University Rosemary Feurer, Northern Illinois University Thomas Field, Embry-Riddle College of Security and Intelligence Leon Fink, University of Illinois at Chicago John Fitzgerald, Longmeadow School Committee, Longmeadow, Massachusetts Emma Flatt, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Ellen Fleischmann, University of Dayton Robin Fleming, Boston College Jerise Fogel, Montclair State University Darcie Fontaine, University of South Florida John Foran, University of California, Santa Barbara Geraldine Forbes, SUNY Oswego Gabrielle Foreman, University of Delaware Andrea Foroughi, Union College Catherine Forslund, Rockford University Andrea Friedman, Washington University in St. Louis Jennifer Fronc, University of Massachusetts, Amherst Poshek Fu, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Michael Galgano, Hofstra University Ednie Kaeh Garrison, University of California Santa Barbara Michael Gasper, Occidental College Max Geier, Western Oregon University Irene Gendzier, Boston University, Emeritus Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi, University of Illinois S.M. Ghazanfar, University of Idaho Rich Gibson, San Diego State University Daniel Gilbert, University of Illinois Mark Gilderhus, Texas Christian University Glenda Gilmore, Yale University Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Graduate Center, City University of New York Stephanie Gilmore, Independent Scholar/Editor Lori Ginzberg, Penn State University Arturo Giraldez, University of the Pacific (Stockton-CA) Helen Giron-Mushfiq, Colorado University, Boulder Carmen Gitre, Virginia Tech Sherna Gluck, California State University, Long Beach (emerita) Nat Godley, Alverno College David Goldberg, Wayne State Nicki Gonzales, Regis University Bryna Goodman, University of Oregon Ann D. Gordon, Rutgers University, (emerita) Leonard A. Gordon, City University of New York Linda Gordon, New York University Dayo Gore, University of California, San Diego Nina Gorman , Community College of Philadelphia Melissa Gormley, University Wisconsin – Platteville Stephen Gosch, Independent Scholar Van Gosse, Franklin and Marshall University Manu Goswami , New York University Marc Goulding, University of Central Oklahoma Thomas Grace, Erie Community College Peter Gran, Temple University Chris Gratien, Georgetown University Karen Graubart, University of Notre Dame Robin Greeley, University of Connecticut Julie Greene, University of Maryland Ronald Grele, Columbia University, retired Trevor Griffey, UW-Bothell Anthony Gronowicz, City University of New York Richard Grossman, Northeastern Illinois University Atina Grossmann, Cooper Union Carol S. Gruber, Paterson University of New Jersey, emerita A. Tom Grunfeld, State University of New York, Empire State College Joshua Guild, Princeton University Michael Gunn, University of Western Ontario Peter Gunther, Independent Scholar Robert Gustafsson, Linnaeus University David Gutman, Manhattanville College Alan Haber, Independent John Hagedorn, University of Illinois-Chicago Steven Hahn, Nichols Professor of History, University of Pennsylvania Samira Haj, City University of New York Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, Rutgers University, (emeritus) David Halperin, University of Michigan Martin Halpern, Henderson State University Michael Hanagan, Vassar College Yukiko Hanawa, New York University Rachel Harding, University of Colorado, Denver Tanya Harmer, London School of Economics, UK Patricia Harms, Brandon University Susan Hartmann, Ohio State University, emerita Paul Hatgil, University of Texas Clement Hawes, University of Michigan Marina Haworth, North Hennepin Community College Keith Haynes, The College of Saint Rose Elizabeth Heineman, University of Iowa Rachael Hill, Stanford University Rebecca Hill, Kennesaw State University Felipe Hinojosa, Texas A&M University Steven Hirsch, Washington University-St. Louis Lauren Hirshberg, UCLA Walter Hixson, University of Akron Joan Hoff, Research Professor of History, Montana State University, Bozeman Christine Holden, University of Southern Maine, emerita Ann Holder, Pratt Institute, Brooklyn David Hostetter, Independent Scholar Allen Howard, Rutgers University (Emeritus) David Hunt, UMass/Boston Carol Hunter, Earlham College Lourdes Hurtado, Franklin College Yamila Hussein, Harvard University Reeve Huston, Duke University Elizabeth Hutchison, University of New Mexico Rafael R. Ioris, University of Denver Terry Irving, Independent Scholar Christopher Isett, University of Minnesota Gerardo Islas, University of Michigan Ardis Jackson, University of Chicago, UC Berkeley Lynette Jackson, University of Illinois at Chicago Miriam Jackson, Independent Scholar Asma Jafri, UC Davis Barrett James, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Ann Jefferson, University of Tennessee Hilmar Jensen, Bates College Guadalupe Jiménez-Codinach, American Historical Association (AHA) Benjamin Johnson, Loyola University Chicago Jessica Johnson, University of Massachusetts Amherst Marilynn Johnson, Boston College Jennifer Jolly, Ithaca College, Patrick Jones, University of Nebraska-Lincoln Toby Jones, Rutgers University Paul Josephson, Colby College Davis D. Joyce, Professor Emeritus of History, East Central University (Oklahoma) Lauren Kaminsky, Harvard University Amy Kaplan, University of Pennsylvania Lawrence Kaplan, Professor Emeritus, City College of New York, CUNY Marion Kaplan, New York University Temma Kaplan, Rutgers University Rebecca E. Karl, New York University Ronald Karr, University of Massachusetts Lowell Kimberly Katz, Towson University William Loren Katz, New York University J. Kehaulani Kauanui, Wesleyan University Hasan Kayali, University of California, San Diego Anthony Kaye, Pennsylvania State University Mary Kelley, University of Michigan Robin Kelley, UCLA Patrick Kelly, University of Chicago Timothy Kelly, Saint Vincent College Calvin Kennedy, Texas A&M University-Commerce Kevin Kenny, Boston College Jeffrey Kerr-Ritchie, Howard University Amy Kesselman, State University of New York, New Paltz Rashid Khalidi, Columbia University Osamah Khalil, Syracuse University, Noor-Aiman Khan, Colgate University Tariq Khan, University of Illinois Urbana Champaign Young-Hyun Kim, University of California, San Diego Jeffrey Kimball, Miami University, Emeritus Jessie Kindig, Indiana University Esther Kingston-Mann, UMass-Boston David Klassen, New York University Rachel Klein, University of California, San Diego Thomas Klubock, University of Virginia Isabel Knight, Penn State University, Emerita Jeffrey Kolnick, Southwest Minnesota State University Claudia Koonz, Duke University Janet Kovacs , PCRF Roman Kovalev, The College of New Jersey Paul Kramer, Vanderbilt University Richard Kuisel, Georgetown University Arnold Krupat, Sarah Lawrence College Hyman Kuritz, State University of New York, Albany Jeremy Kuzmarov, University of Tulsa Scott Laderman, University of Minnesota, Duluth Meredith Lair, George Mason University Priya Lal, Boston College Vinay Lal, University of California, Los Angeles Joan Landes, Pennsylvania State University Joseph Lanning, Graduate student, Utah State University Eric Larson, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth Marjorie Lasky, Diablo Valley College, Emerita Abdu Latif, Teacher Cecile Lawrence, Independent Scholar James Le Sueur, University of Nebraska, Lincoln Jorge Leal, University of California, San Diego Stephen Leberstein, City College, Emeritus Kenneth Ledford, Case Western Reserve University Robert Lee, Brown University Shelley Lee, Oberlin College Roger Leisner, Radio Free Maine Marcos Abreu Leitao de Almeida, Northwestern University Michael Leja, University of Pennsylvania David Lelyveld, William Paterson University (retired) Jerry Lembcke, Holy Cross College, emeritus Jesse Lemisch, Independent Scholar Nina Lerman, Whitman College Robert E. Lerner, Northwestern University (Emeritus) Dan Letwin, Penn State University Deborah Levenson, Boston College Bruce Levine, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Kerima Lewis, University of California, Berkeley Eugene Lieber, Essex County College, NJ (Emeritus) Linda Lierheimer, Hawaii Pacific University Lisa Lindsay, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Peter Linebaugh, University of Toledo (emeritus) Annie Liss, South Texas College Julia Liss, Scripps College Rob Little, Tarrant County College John Livingston, William Paterson University Zachary Lockman, New York University Philip Lom, Western Connecticut State University, Retired Leslie Lomas, Ph.D., University of Colorado, Boulder Roderick Long, Auburn University Lisa Lowe, Tufts University Samuel Lowe, Independent Scholar Rebecca Lowen, Metropolitan State University David Luebke, University of Oregon Mary Lui, Yale University Staughton Lynd, Independent Scholar Donald M. Scott, Queens College/City University of New York Haiyun Ma, Frostburg State University Isa Maack, Essex County College, NJ (emerita) Henry Maar, University of California, Santa Barbara Robert Macieski, University of New Hampshire Richard MacMaster, University of Florida (retired) Eleanor Mahoney, University of Washington Minkah Makalani, University of Texas at Austin Ilham Makdisi, Northeastern University James Malarkey, Antioch University Midwest Sean Malloy, University of California, Merced Simeon Man, University of Southern California Nikki Mandell, University of Wisconsin-Whitewater Christine Manganaro, Maryland Institute College of Art Anastasia Mann, City University of New York, CUNY Andrae Marak, Governors State University Alejandra Marchevsky, California State University Los Angeles John Marciano, Professor Emeritus, State University of New York, Cortland Curtis Marez, University of California, San Diego Gerald Markowitz John Jay College Francisco Martin del Campo, University of California, Berkeley Lauro Martines, UCLA Afshin Matin-asgari, California State University, Los Angeles Kieko Matteson, University of Hawai’i Glenna Matthews, Independent scholar Christopher Mauceri, State University of New York, Stony Brook University Elaine Tyler May, Regents Professor, University of Minnesota Timothy McCarthy, Harvard University Rowena McClinton, Professor, Southern Illinois University. Edwardsville Deirdre McDonald, Librarian Erik McDuffie, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign John McGrath, Boston University Edrene McKay, Omni Center for Peace, Justice, and Ecology John McKerley, University of Iowa John McKivigan, Indiana University-Purdue University at Indianapolis Robert McMahon, Ohio State University, Mershon Professor of History Teresa Meade, Union College Michael Meeropol, Western New England University (emeritus) Jorell Melendez-Badillo, University of Connecticut Jeffrey Melnick, University of Massachusetts, Boston Everett Mendelsohn, Harvard University – Emeritus Sandra Mendiola, University of North Texas Murat Menguc, Seton Hall University Michael Meranze, University of California, Los Angeles April Merleaux, Florida International University Tom Mertes, UCLA James Michalec, State University of NewYork, Broome Todd Michney, University of Toledo Edward Miggins, Cuyahoga Community College Karen Miller, LaGuardia Community College, CUNY Stephen Miller, UAB history Susan Gilson Miller, University of California, Davis Mostafa Minawi, Cornell University Shane Minkin, University of Massachusetts, Lowell Nancy Raquel Mirabal, University of Maryland Sarah Mirza, College of Wooster Glenn Mitchell, Colorado Technical University Maria Mitchell, Franklin & Marshall College Michele Mitchell, New York University Sandra Moats, University of Wisconsin-Parkside Jalal Mondal, University of Texas-Pan American (retired) Chad Montrie, University of Massachusetts Lowell Catherine Mooney, Boston College Liam Moore, City University of New York, LaGuardia Community College Stephanie Moore, Independent Scholar Marissa Moorman, Indiana University Juan Mora-Torres, DePaul University Ruth Mostern, University of California, Merced Guy Emerson Mount, University of Chicago Michelle Moyd, Indiana University, Bloomington Alyssa Mt. Pleasant, State University of New York, Buffalo Kevin Mumford, University of Illinois Donna Murch, Rutgers University Priscilla Murolo, Sarah Lawrence College Kevin Murphy, University of Minnesota Thomas K. Murphy, University of Maryland/European Division Pamela Murray, University of Alabama at Birmingham Amrita Myers, Indiana University John Najemy, Cornell University David Nasaw, Graduate Center, City University of New York Alice Nash, University of Massachusetts Amherst Issam Nassar, Illinois State University Rebecca Nedostup, Brown University Debra Neill, Arizona State University Abdal Rahman (Tommy) Nelson, Washington University Bruce Nelson, Dartmouth College, emeritus Larry Nichelson, Galileo High School Michelle Nickerson, Loyola University Chicago Mary Nolan, New York University Marcy Norton, George Washington University Jim O’Brien, co-chair, Historians Against the War Erin O’Connor, Bridgewater State University, MA Michael O’Leary, University of Central Lancashire Kevin O’Neill, Boston College Hilton Obenzinger, Stanford University Kathryn Oberdeck, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Amy Oberlin, Loyola University Chicago, Enrique Ochoa, California State University, Los Angeles Amy C. Offner, University of Pennsylvania Samora Olayan, University of Southern California Shari Orisich, Central Michigan University Eileen Orzoff-Baranyk, Midwest World History Association Grey Osterud, Newton, Massachusetts Enaya Othman, Marquette University Eric Otremba, University of California, Los Angeles Roger Owen, Harvard University Tanalis Padilla, Dartmouth College Nell Painter, Princeton University Joseph Palermo, CSU, Sacramento, Joel Palhegyi, University of California San Diego Elaine Frantz Parsons, Duquesne University Prasannan Parthasarathi, Boston College Maria Pascualy, Independent Scholar Ruksana Patel, University of Florida Jimmy Patiño, University of Minnesota, Twin Cities Katherine Paugh, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Roger Peace, Tallahassee Community College William Pelz, Elgin Community College Jaime Pensado, University of Notre Dame Jeanne Marie Penvenne, Tufts University Cody Perkins, University of Virginia Diane Perlman, PhD, George Mason, School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution Lewis Perry, Saint Louis University (emeritus) Dawn Peterson, Emory University John Pettegrew, Lehigh University Richard Pfau, Averett University (Emeritus) Anne E. Phillips, Rowan University Michael Phillips, Collin College Kimberly Phillips-Fein, New York University Pablo Piccato, Columbia University Peter Pihos, Duke University Mark Pittenger, University of Colorado Stephen Pitti, Yale University Bryan Pitts, Duke University Rebecca Plant, University of California, San Diego Tony Platt, San Jose State University Brenda Gayle Plummer, University of Wisconsin-Madison ML Polak, Former Instructor, Community College of Philadelphia Ivana Polic, University of California, San Diego Barbara C. Pope, University of Oregon (emerita) Daniel Pope, University of Oregon Gareth Porter, Independent Journalist and historian Claire Potter, The New School Margaret Power, Illinois Institute of Technology Sara Pritchard, Cornell University David Prochaska, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Alexandra Puerto, Occidental College Stanislao Pugliese, Hofstra University Sean Purdy, University of Sao Paulo, Brazil Sara Pursley, Princeton University Mezna Qato, Columbia University Jean Quataert, Binghamton University Carol Quirke, State University of New York, Old Westbury John Quist, Shippensburg University Einav Rabinovitch-Fox, New York University Peter Rachleff, East Side Freedom Library, Saint Paul, MN Gail Radford, State University of New York, Buffalo Alina Rahman, Indiana University, Bloomington Urooj Rahman, Fordham University School of Law Yuridia Ramirez, Duke University Jacki Rand, University of Iowa Sherie Randolph, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Barbara Ransby, University if Illinois at Chicago Anupama Rao, Barnard College, Columbia University Anita Rapone, SUNY Plattsburgh (retired) Richard Cullen Rath, University of Hawaii at Manoa Elena Razlogova, Concordia University, Montreal Michael Reagan, University of Washington Shawn Redden, Riverdale Country School, New York City Matthew Redinger, Montana State University Billings Virginia Reinburg, Boston College Richard Reitan, Franklin and Marshall College Jacob Remes, State University of New York, Empire State College Susan Reverby, Wellesley College Douglas Reynolds, Georgia State University James Richter, Bates College Thomas Ricks, Independent Scholar Monica Ringer, Amherst College Angelica Rivera, Northeastern Illinois University Nicholas Roberts, Sewanee: The University of the South Rita Roberts, Scripps College John Robertson, Central Michigan University Shira Robinson, The George Washington University Stephen Roblin, PhD Candidate Cornell University Ian Rocksborough-Smith, University of the Fraser Valley Lilia Raquel Rosas, Independent Scholar Lee Roscoe, freelance historian Sonya Rose, University of Michigan Karin Rosemblatt, University of Maryland, College Park Ruth Rosen, University of California, Berkeley David Rosner, Columbia University Ellen Ross, Ramapo College Sarah Ross, Boston College Doug Rossinow, Metropolitan State University Steve Rosswurm, Lake Forest College Jasamin Rostam, California State University, Fullerton Cahill Rowan, Independent Scholar Steven Rowe, Chicago State. University E. Scott Royce, Independent Scholar Suzanne Ryan, Webster University Lois Rudnick, University of Massachusetts Boston Leila Rupp, University of California, Santa Barbara Marynel Ryan Van Zee, University of Minnesota, Morris Adam Sabra, University of California, Santa Barbara Omid Safi, Duke University Kaya Sahin, Indiana University Yasmin Saikia, Arizona State University Dana Sajdi, Boston College Benita Sampedro, Hofstra University Crystal Sanders, Pennsylvania State University Elizabeth Sanders, Cornell University Miguel Santiago, University of Puerto Rico David Sartorius, University of Maryland Saskia Sassen, Columbia University Martha Saxton, Amherst College Sara Scalenghe, Loyola University Maryland Timothy Scarnecchia, Kent State University Kory Schaff, Cal State Los Angeles Dan Schiller, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Sigrid Schmalzer, University of Massachusetts, Amherst Ellen Schrecker, Yeshiva University, Emerita Joshua Schreier, Vassar College Leslie Schwalm, University of Iowa Stuart Schwartz, Yale University Felicity Scott, Columbia University Joan W. Scott, Institute for Advanced Study Andrew Seal, Yale University Kim Searcy, Loyola University Chicago Louis Segal, Naval Postgraduate School Sharon Sekhon, The Studio for Southern California History Mark Selden, State University of New York, emeritus Jennifer Selwyn, CSU Sacramento, Portland State University Elyse Semerdjian, Whitman College Jennifer Sessions, University of Iowa Teren Sevea, University of Pennsylvania Elizabeth Seymour, Penn State Altoona Robert Shaffer, Shippensburg University Nizan Shaked, California State University Long Beach Todd Shepard, Johns Hopkins University Soraya Sheppard, Truman College Naoko Shibusawa, Brown University Sarah Shields, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Francis Shor, Wayne State University James Shrader, University of California, San Diego Sandhya Shukla, University of Virginia Daniel Sidorick, Rutgers University Pete Sigal, Duke University Nina Silber, Boston University Noenoe Silva, University of Hawaii at Manoa Irene Silverblatt, Duke University John Galbraith Simmons, Independent scholar Brad Simpson, University of Connecticut Shanti Singham, Williams College Mrinalini Sinha, University of Michigan Andor Skotnes, The Sage Colleges Leslie Slauenwhte, University Wisconsin, La Crosse Herbert Sloan, Barnard College Stephanie Smallwood, University of Washington James Smethurst, University of Massachusetts Amherst Charles Smith, (emeritus) University of Arizona Judith Smith, University of Massachusetts, Boston Julia Sneeringer, Queens College and City University Graduate Center Jonathan Soffer, New York University Michael Soldatenko, California State University Los Angeles Rickie Solinger, Visiting Scholar, Columbia University Matthew Sommer, Stanford University Samir Sonti, University of California, Santa Barbara Alfredo Sosa-Velasco, Southern Connecticut State University Karen Sotiropoulos, Cleveland State University Antonio Sotomayor, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Paul Spagnoli, Boston College, emeritus Robyn Spencer, Lehman College Thomas Spencer, Church of Secular Humanist Leo Spitzer, Dartmouth College Amy Gilman Srebnick, Montclair State University, emerita David Steigerwald, The Ohio State University David Stein, University of Southern California Mark Steinberg, University of Illinois Ted Steinberg , Case Western Reserve Barbara Steinson, DePauw University Cody Stephens, University of California, Santa Barbara James Brewer Stewart, Macalester College Blake Stimson, UIC Jessica Stites Mor, University of British Columbia, Okanagan, Canada Nancy Stockdale, University of North Texas Meg Stolee, State University of New York, Geneseo Landon Storrs, University of Iowa Susan Strasser, University of Delaware Ulrike Strasser, University of California, San Diego Victoria Straughn, Robert M. La Follette High School, retired Margaret Strobel, University of Illinois at Chicago Shelton Stromquist, University of Iowa Whitney Strub, Rutgers University-Newark Jack Stuart, California State University Long Beach Paola Suarez, University of California, Berkeley Michael J. Sullivan III, Drexel University, Martin Summers, Boston College Ibrahim Sundiata, Brandeis University, emeritus Judith Surkis, Rutgers University Joanna Swanger, Earlham College Carolyn Swanton, Teacher James Swarts, State University of New York, Geneseo Andrea Sweerus, Saint Martin’s University Geoffrey Symcox, UCLA Emeritus Mazin Tadros, Georgia Gwinnett College Steve Tamari, Southern Illinois University Edwardsville Molly Tambor, Long Island University Post Jennifer Tammi, Ethical Culture Fieldston School Melanie Tanielian, University of Michigan Jacqueline Taylor Basker, New York Institute of Technology, German-Jordan University Clarence Taylor, City University of New York, Baruch College Josh Teixeira, University of California, Merced Baki Tezcan, University of California, Davis David Thelen, (emeritus) Indiana University, Bloomington Jeanne Theoharis, City University of New York, Brooklyn College Kathleen Thomas, International Consultant Lynn Thomas, University of Washington Angela Thompson, East Carolina University Heather Thompson, Temple University Sinclair Thomson, New York University Christy Thornton, New York University Ellen Tillman, Texas State University Heidi Tinsman, University of California Irvine Isabel Tirado, William Paterson University Maria Todorova, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Gabrielle Toth, Chicago State University John Trumpbour, Harvard Law School Judith Tucker, Georgetown University Carlos Ugalde Sierra, Emeritus, Glendale Community College, Calif. Sharon Ullman, Bryn Mawr College Pheroze Unwalla, York University Angela Vergara, CSU Los Angeles Robert Vitalis, University of Pennsylvania Stephen Vlastos, University of Iowa, History Department Pamela Voekel, UGA/ Freedom University Georgia Beverly R. Voloshin, San Francisco State University Aimee Von Bokel, New York University Alan Wald, University of Michigan David Waldstreicher, Graduate Center, City University of New York Alan Wallach, College of William and Mary (Emeritus) Erik Wallenberg, CUNY Graduate Center, Camille Walsh, University of Washington Bothell Ellie Walsh, Governors State University Ling-chi Wang, University of California, Berkeley Judith Podore Ward, (emerita) Essex County College, NJ Frank Warren, (emeritus) Queens College, City University of New York Margaret Washington, Cornell University Devra Weber, University of California Riverside Richard Weber, Dean College, Phi Beta Kappa Peter Weiler, Boston College Barbara Weinstein, Silver Professor of History, New York University Gillian Weiss, Case Western Reserve University Max Weiss, Princeton University Clifford Welch, UNIFESP / University of California, Santa Cruz Kirsten Weld, Harvard University Michael West, Binghamton University Robert Westman, University of California, San Diego Robert Whealey, Emeritus Ohio University Leigh Ann Wheeler, Binghamton University Daniel N. White, Historian Jon Wiener, University of California, Irvine Gary Wilder, City University of New York Graduate Center Hugh Wilford, California State University, Long Beach Thomas Williamsen, Appalachian State University John Willis, University of Colorado, Boulder Jocelyn Wills, Brooklyn College, City University of New York Mary Wilson, University of Massachusetts Amherst Barbara Winslow, Brooklyn College, City University of New York Larry Wittner, State University of New York, Albany Robert Wohl, UCLA Victoria Wolcott, University at Buffalo Patrick Wolfe, Freelance Historian Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt, California State University John Womack Jr, Harvard University, emeritus Andrew Wood, University of Tulsa Komozi Woodard, Sarah Lawrence College Nan Elizabeth Woodruff, Pennsylvania State University Colleen Woods, University of Maryland Donald Worster, University of Kansas /Renmin University of China, emeritus Ellen Wu, Indiana University Jianing Xie, Duke University Peter Yackel, Independent scholar Khair Yassine, University of Pennsylvania Murat Yildiz, University of California, Los Angeles Susan Yohn, Hofstra University Ernest Young, University of Michigan, emeritus James Young, Edinboro University, emeritus/PA Labor History Society Marilyn Young, New York University Hoda Yousef, Franklin & Marshall College Maheen Zaman, Augsburg College Vazira Zamindar, Brown University Natan Zeichner, New York University Neici Zeller, William Paterson University Andrew Zimmerman, George Washington University International Scholars Kamelia Abouzaki, University of Alberta, Canada Tania Acosta, Social Science research, Universidad de Salamanca, Spain Miguel Angel Adame Ceron, Escuela NACIONAL de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico Ferando Antonio Aguilar, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Mexico Helena Alapana, formerly of La Plata University, Argentina Guillermo Alfaro, Universidad Iberoamericana, Ciudad de México Escobedo Alfredo, National Autonomous University of Mexico Guillermo Almeyra, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Unidad Xochimilco, México Alejandro Alvarez, Universidad Autonoma de Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic Carlos Álvarez Silva, Universidad autónoma metropolitana, México Vicente Ampudia, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Alejandro Apolinar Iribe, Universidad de Sonora, México María de Lourdes Aravedo Reséndiz, Docente, Ciudad de México José Uriel Aréchiga Viramontes, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Facundo Arias González, Profesor jubilado Filosofía y Letras BUAP, Mexico Alejandra Arroyo MS, Universidad Autónoma Metropólitana – Iztapalapa, Mexico Efraín Arzola, Estudiante de la Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa, Mexico Robert Austin, University of Queensland, Australia Gerardo Ávalos Tenorio, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Muhammed Azharul Haque, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India Abril Balderrama, Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey, Mexico Susana Bandieri, Universidad Nacional del Comahue-CONICET, Argentina Levi Barbosa, Universidad autónoma metropolitana, Mexico Osvaldo Barsky, CONICET, Argentina Guillermo Batista, Universidad Nacional de Lomas de Zamora, Argentina Daniela Belmar, Universidad de Chile David Benítez, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana (Xochimilco), México Luis Berruecos, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana- Xochimilco, México Eduardo Miguel Bessera, Universidad Nacional del Comahue, Argentina Francesca Biancani , University of Bologna, Italy Graciela Blanco, CONICET/Universidad Nacional del Comahue, Argentina Ethan Blue, University of Western Australia, Australia Alfredo Botía , Universidad Cooperativa de Colombia, Colombia Juan Alberto Bozza, Universidad Nacional de La Plata, Argentina. Kenneth Brown, University of Manchester, England, retired Luis Bueno, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Luis Cabrera, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Rosario Sergio Cahuantzi Nava, Artistas Tlaxcaltecas, Mexico Froylan Calderon de Anda, University Medical Center Hamburg-Eppendorf, Hamburg, Germany Guillermo Calvo Mahe, Universidad Autonoma de Manizales, Mexico Daniel Campi, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán, Argentina Jane Caplan, University of Oxford, U.K. Miguel Cardina, Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra, Portugal Thiago Cardoso, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil Myriam Cardozo, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Ana María Carrillo Farga, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Carlos Carillo, Universidad Autónoma de Chihuahua, Mexico Paulina L Casale, Universidad Anahuac de Mexico Maria Elena Castellanos, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana. Unidad Xochimilco., Mexico Ananya Chakravarti, The American University in Cairo, Egypt Muhammad Usama Ghafoor Chaudhary, CIIT-Lahore, Pakistan Morris James Stuart Cameron Cleary, Australian-New Zealand Historical Society Sergio G. de-los-Cobos-Silva, Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa, Mexico Osvaldo Coggiola, Universidade de São Paulo (USP), Brazil Gabriela Contreras, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Boyd Cothran, York University, Canada Salas Ramos Cresencio, Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, Mexico Fernando Cruz García, ESIME Azcapotzalco, Instituto Politécnico Nacional. México Patrick Cuninghame, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana – Xochimilco, Mexico Marco Curatola-Petrocchi , Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru Tellez Daniel, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Javier De los Santos Rosas, UNAM, Mexico Rodrigo Díaz, Departamento de Antropología, UNAM, México Elizabeth Dore, University of Southampton, UK, Emeritus Diane, Dounas, University of NSW, Australia Huemac Escalona, Universidad Pablo de Olavide Alejandro Espinosa Yáñez, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Raymundo Fajardo-Castañeda, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Luia Felipe Falcão, Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina, Brazil Marcela Fey, UNAM, Mexico Ruben Flores, Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana, Mexico David Forbes, Shadow Films, South Africa Jesús Gabriel Franco, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Unidad Xochimilco, México Tami J. Friedman, Brock University, St. Catharines, Ontario, Canada Aracely Galán, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Daniel García, Universidad Autónoma de Baja California, Mexico Alfredo García, Tecnológico de Monterrey, Mexico Leonor Garcia-Mille, UNAM, Mexico Enrique Garguin, Universidad Nacional de La Plata, Argentina Alejandra Gasca García, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Pablo Ghigliani, Universidad Nacional de La Plata, Argentina Adolfo Gilly, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Ann Gilmartin, Queens University Belfast, Ireland Andrea Giunta, Universidsd de Buenos Aires, Argentina Igor Goicovic, Universidad de Santiago de Chile Larry Goldsmith, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Miguel Gomez, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Spain Carlos Gómez Carro, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Ciudad de México, México Erika Gonzalez, Universidad de Guanajuato, Mexico Rina Gonzalez-Cervantes, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Mexico Jorge Armando González Chávez, UNAM, Mexico Lic. Ricardo Gonzalez Ortega, Universidad Michoacana H.M.S.N.H., Mexico José Enrique González Ruiz, Facultad de Economía UNAM, Mexico Maria Cristina Gonzalez Torres, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa, Mexico Ramon Gonzalez-Camarena, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Mexico Sergio Grez, Universidad de Chile Prado Guadalupe, UAM, México Johnatan Guerrero, Universidad autonoma de la ciudad de México Marisela Guzmán, UAM AZCAPOTZALCO, MEXICO Vicente Guzmán Ríos, UAM-Xochimilco, México Tyrell Haberkorn, Australian National University, Australia Lubna Haddad, Australian History Teachers Association, Australia Dr Emad Hamdeh, Exeter University, England Rainer Enrique Hamel, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Mexico Mark Haworth-Booth, University of Exeter, England Rani Hemaid, Al-Aqsa University, Egypt Ezequiel Hernández, Universitad de Guanajuato, Mexico José Luis Hernández Ávila, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Gilberto Hernández-Cárdenas, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Iztapalapa, México Gilberto Hernández Santos, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana/Azcapotzalco, México Alejandro Herrera, UNAM, Mexico Miguel Hirata, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Mexico Carlos Illades, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Jorge Issa, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Simon Jackson, European University Institute, Italy Oscar Jarzmik, University of Toronto, Canada Jorge Alberto Jimenez Velazquez, Universidad Nacional Autónoma De México Ivana Jinkings, Boitempo, Brazil Kay Johnston, University of Brighton, UK Espinoza Pineda Jose Luis, Colegio de Bachilleres del Estado de México Madhavi Kale, University of Toronto, Scarborough, Canada Brian Kelly, Queens University Belfast, Ireland Haifaa Khalafallah, Sinai Centre for Islamic Mediterranean Studies, UK Ateeka Khan, PhD Candidate, McMaster University, Canada Ashra Khanom, Swansea University, Wales Rubén Kotler, Universidad Nacional de Tucumán, Argentina Rodrigo Landero, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Norma Lara Flores, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Silvia Lazzaro, CONICET-UNLP, Argentina Mark Leier, Simon Fraser University, Canada Jorge Salvador León, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Xochimilco, Mexico Guillermo López, Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, Mexico Medjugorge López, Universidad Autónoma de México Roberto López, Universidad del Zulia, Maracaibo, Venezuela Román López, CNTE, Mexico Juan Carlos Luna, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Mexico José Raúl Luyando, Professor University of Nuevo León, Mexico Kaye MacIver, Australian National University Mauricio Macossay Vallado, Universidad Autónoma Chapingo, Mexico Alfredo Madrigal Carmona, Universidad Autonoma de Baja California Sur, México Carlos Mallorquin, Autonomous University of Zacatecas, Mexico Ricardo Marcelín-Jiménez, UAM-Iztapalapa, Mexico Enrique Mancera, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Martha Marco del Pont, Univ. Autónoma de Puebla, Mexico María de la Luz Martin, Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo, Mexico Danna Martínez, UNAM, Mexico Susana Martínez Alcántara, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Xochimilco, México Darío Martini, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Monica Martins, Universidade Estadual do Ceara, Brazil Mariana Mastrángelo, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Cheri Mays , Macquaire University, Australia César Medina, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Azcapotzalco, Mexico Viviana Mejía, Historian, México Jesus Mena, ITESM Campus Cihuahua, Mexico Abigail Meza, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico Eduardo Meza, Universidad Autónoma de Nayarit, Mexico Sergio Miranda Pacheco, UNAM, Mexico Antonio Montenegro, Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Brazil Fermín Montes, Universidad Autónoma de Querétaro, México Ardán Carlo Montiel jiménez, UNAM, México Oscar Monroy Hermosillo, Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana, MEXICO Carla Morales, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México David Murchie, Tohoku Gakuin University, Sendai, Japan Doris Musalem, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Gerardo Necoechea Gracia, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México Fabio Nigra, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Susana Núñez, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Ruth Oldenziel, Eindhoven University of Technology, Eindhoven, Netherlands Jose Enrique Olivares, Profesor-investigador UAM-X, Mexico.DF Mexico Raúl Olivares, Instituto Politécnico Nacional, Mexico Marco Ornelas, Universidad Iberoamericana, Mexico City, Mexico Asunción Orozco, Instituto politécnico nacional, Mexico German Ortiz, Universidad Intercultural del Estado de Tabasco, México Antonio Padilla Arroyo, Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Morelos, Mexico Salvador Padilla, Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo, Mexico Jaime Partsch, Universidad del Este, Puerto Rico Manuel Angel Pascual, CEPRAM-CÓRDOBA, Argentina Laura Pasquali, Universidad Nacional de Rosario, Argentina Rodolfo Pastor, Museo de San Pedro Sula, Honduras Liliana Perez Miguel, Universidad de Burgos, Spain Blanca Rosa Perez-Salvador, Profesor-investigador, México Luiz Bernardo Pericás, Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil Joaquín Perren, Universidad Nacional del Comahue/CONICET, Argentina Rodrigo Pimenta Lastra, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, MEXICO Fernando Xicotencatl Plata Pérez, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Pablo Alejandro Pozzi, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Emilio Pradilla Cobos, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Unidad Xochimilco, Mexico Guadalupe Prado Flores, UAM, México Fatima Previdelli, Federal University of Juiz de Fora, Brazil Josefina Ponce, UNAM, Mexico Jose Agustin Porras, Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana Xochimilco, Mexico Carlos Alberto Quñones Aguilar, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Marcelino Raírea-Ibáñez, Papaloapan University, Mexico Guillermo Ramírez , UNAM, Mexico Milagros Ramirez, Universidad de Guadalajara, Mexico Isabel Cristina Reis, Universidade Federal do Recôncavo da Bahia, Brazil Joao Reis, Universidade Federal da Bahia, Brazil Araceli Rendón, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Víctor Ríos, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Andrés Rios-Molina, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, UNAM, Mexico Courtney Roberts, King Faisal University, Saudi Arabia Lissa Roberts, University of Twente, The Netherlands Mario Robles Baez, Universidad Autinoma Metropolitana, Mexico Gil Rodríguez, Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero, Mexico Ricardo Rodriguez S, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico María Guadalupe Rodríguez Sánchez, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Louise Rolingher, University of Alberta, Canada Jilma Romero Arrechavala , UNAN Managua, Nicaragua E. Wayne Ross, University of British Columbia, Canada Rhina Roux, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana (Xochimilco), Mexico Gustavo Ruiz, UNAM Xochimilco, Mexico Ethelia Ruiz Medrano, INAH, Mexico Jan Rus, Universidad de Ciencias y Artes de Chiapas, Mexico Andrew Rutherford, London University, England Orapakk Ruttphatai, Chiang Mai University, Thailand Jesus Ruvalcaba Mercado, Researcher-Professor, CIESAS, México Erasmo Sáenz Carrete, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Diana Sagástegui, Universidad de Guadalajara/Iteso, Mexico Manola Salas, Universidad del Mar-Huatulco, Mexico Alvaro Lorenzo Salas-Brito, ICN-UNAM, México Leonardo Salgado, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana I., MEXICO Mario José Sánchez González, Universidad Centroamericana de Nicaragua Ricardo Saúl Sánchez Anaya, UNAM FFyL, Mexico Javier Perez Santos, Universidad Autonma de Puebla, Mexico Francesca Sasso, México Donald Sassoon, Emeritus, Queen Mary University of London, United Kingdom Dr. Eduardo Saucedo, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México Mohamed Shaheen, Maldives National University Paul Sedra, Simon Fraser University, Canada Lise Sedrez, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Rafael Alfonso Serrano Cancino, Humanova, México Adriana Servin, UNAM, Mexico Elisa Servin, Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, Mexico Fernando Andrés Sesma, Historiador Universidad Autónoma Puebla, Mexico Jihane Sfeir, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium Ali Sharifian, Tehran University, Iran Mary Elizabeth Silva Valladares, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú Josué Simancas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Víctor Amaury Simental Franco, UNAM, Mexico Christina Simmons, University of Windsor, Canada Robert Slenes, Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Brazil Alma Sobrino Figueroa, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Iztapalapa, MEXICO Araceli Soní Soto, UAM-X, México Ivan Soto, Universidad Pedagogica Nacional, Mexico Martín Stawski, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Dennis Sweeney, University of Alberta, Canada Robert Sweeny, Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada Jaime Tamayo, Universidad de Guadalajara, Mexico Luis Tognetti, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina Jose Alfredo Torres, Universidad Autonoma Del Estado De México María del Rocío Torres Alvarado, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa, México María Alejandra Ugalde, UNAM, Mexico Luz María Uhthoff, Universidad Autónoma Metropoliana, Mexico Toru Umezaki, Ferris University, Yokohama, Japan Maria de Lourdes Urbina, International Relations, UNAM, México Daniel Urrutia Osorio, Universidad de Chile Laura Valdemarca, Professor- Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina Israel Vargas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Heriberto Vasquez, Instituto Estatal de Educación Pública de Oaxaca, Mexico Ana Cristina Vázquez Carpizo, Universidad Autónoma de Chiapas, Mexico Georgina Velázquez, Universidad Autónoma de Baja California, México Françoise Vergès, Collège d’études mondiales, Paris, France Cristina Viano, Universidad Nacional de Rosario, Argentina Margarita Vilches, Universidad del Mar-Huatulco, Mexico Pablo Vommaro, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Zain Wahbeh, Imperial College of London Frances Wyld, University of Adelaide, Australia Miguel F. Zamudio Delgado, UAM X, México Cresenciano Zarco, Secretaría de Educación Pública, México Miguel Zenker, UNAM, Mexico
Over 80 professors and employees at colleges and universities in Quebec have signed a petition calling for a comprehensive campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions, including a boycott of Israeli academic institutions. Below is the open letter that they have issued.
Over 80 professors and employees at colleges and universities in Quebec have signed a petition calling for a comprehensive campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions, including a boycott of Israeli academic institutions. Below is the open letter that they have issued.
We are a group of teachers and employees at Quebec colleges and universities who stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people, and with the people of Gaza who have suffered through the Israeli siege as targets of Israel’s brutal military attack. It will take more than ceasefires to bring a just and lasting peace in Palestine and Israel. We are acting in response to an appeal for support issued January 2, 2009 by the Palestinian Federation of Unions of University Professors and Employees. In the wake of the Israeli bombing of the Islamic University of Gaza, the Federation of Unions has urged academics around the world to support a boycott of Israeli academic institutions.
We support this call and place it within a wider campaign of boycott, divestment, and sanctions. The struggle against apartheid in South Africa was supported through boycotts, divestment, and sanctions. We support a similar strategy against the Israeli state.
We will undertake actions within our own institutions to promote education on this issue, to support students, faculty, and employees to speak out on this question, and to pressure the institutions in which we work to participate in a boycott, divestment, and sanctions campaign that aims for a just and lasting settlement for the Palestinian people.
We strongly condemn the government of Canada’s position on the ongoing conflict in Gaza and for its bilateral trade agreements that help sustain Israeli military actions. The Harper government has condemned Hamas, an elected government, as a terrorist organization. Yet it consistently supports the government of Israel, which has used weapons causing mass destruction on a mainly civilian population, including attacks on children and schools, and has violated International prohibitions against collective punishment through its blockade of the Gaza strip.
We call on the Harper government to re-evaluate its policies and to unequivocally condemn the Israeli siege and assault on Gaza, which constitute serious violations of international and humanitarian law. We further demand that the Israeli government immediately cease its violence.
As well, we urge that all economic relations between Israel and the governments of Canada and Quebec — including trade agreements – be suspended until there is not only a just and lasting peace for the Palestinian people, but that Israel, in compliance with international law, recognizes the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination.
Brian Aboud, Vanier College Sajida S. Alvi, McGill University Rachad Antonius, Université du Québec à Montréal Sima Aprahamian, Concordia University David Austin, Concordia University Gregory Baum, McGill University Rachel Berger, Concordia University Martin Blanchard, Université de Montréal James (Jay) Brophy, McGill University Peter Button, McGill University Joel Casseus, Vanier College Jean Chapman, Concordia University Dolores Chew, Marianopolis College Jennifer Chew, McGill University Aziz Choudry, McGill University Jocelyne Couture, Université du Québec à Montréal Mary Ellen Davis, Concordia University Caroline Desbiens, Université Laval Martin Duckworth, Concordia University Maurice Dufour, Marianopolis College Arwen Fleming, McGill University Roy Fu, John Abbott College Monika Kin Gagnon, Concordia University S. Gourlay, Concordia University Wael B. Hallaq, McGill University Jill Hanley, McGill University Michelle Hartman, McGill University Sumi Hasegawa, McGill University Oscar Hernandez, Marianopolis College Christina Holcroft, McGill University Homa Hoodfar, Concordia University Helen Hudson, McGill University Adrienne Carey Hurley, McGill University Andrew M. Ivaska, Concordia University Sandra Jeppesen, Concordia University Yasmin Jiwani, Concordia University Steven Jordan, McGill University Denis Kosseim, Cégep André-Laurendeau Anna Kruzynski, Concordia University Marc Lafrance, Concordia University Thomas LaMarre, McGill University Diane Lamoureux, Université Laval Andrée Lévesque, McGill University Charmain Levy, Université du Québec en Outaouais Abby Lippman, McGIll University Margaret Lock, McGill University Richard Lock, Vanier College Ehab Lotayef, McGill University Gada Mahrouse, Concordia University Chantal Maillé, Concordia University David Mandel, Université du Québec à Montréal Rosanna Maule, Concordia University Mark Patrick McGuire, John Abbott College Elizabeth Miller, Concordia University L. Monet, Université de Montréal Norman Nawrocki, Concordia University Holly Nazar, McGill University Devora Neumark, Concordia University Greg Nielsen, Concordia University Kai Nielsen, Concordia University Marielle Nitoslawska, Concordia University Samuel J Noumoff, McGill University Marielle Olivier, McGill University Anthony Paré, McGill University Andrew Pearce, McGill University James Pettit, Marianopolis College Veronica Ponce, Marianopolis College Najat Rahman, Université de Montréal Frances Ravensbergen, Concordia University Trish Salah, Bishop’s and Concordia Universities Daniel Salée, Concordia University Kim Sawchuk, Concordia University Gale Seiler, McGill University Eric Shragge, Concordia University Lee Soderstrom, McGill University Martha Stiegman, Concordia University Miwako Uesaka, McGill University Indu Vashist, McGill University Julian Vigo, Université de Montréal Sarwat Viqar, John Abbott College Nadia Wardeh, McGill University Thomas Waugh, Concordia University
In late March, a group of academics and activists wrote a letter to US President Joe Biden requesting him to immediately stop transferring all offensive arms and related funds to Israel. According to them, “Israel’s assault on Gaza appears to include both acts and intent stated in the definition of genocide.” They wrote, “President Biden, do not let the United States go down in history as the enabler of genocide.” Since “The US is a party to the Genocide Convention, and owes the international community the obligation to prevent this heinous crime. When the US continues to send weapons to Israel, especially after ICJ’s provisional measures, it violates these obligations.”
Some 900 academics and activists signed this letter, including Israelis. Some Israelis teach in Israeli institutions, and others were recruited by pro-Palestinians – with the backing of oil-wealthy Middle Eastern states donations – to teach in Western institutions.
The following is the list of Israeli academics from Israeli institutions who signed the letter:
Avner Giladi, Professor (emeritus) of Islamic Studies, University of Haifa. Raphael Greenberg, Professor of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University. Ayelet Ben-Yishai, Associate Professor of English, University of Haifa. Dr. Erella Shadmi, retired scholar, Beit Berl College. Miriam Eliav-Feldon, Professor of History, Tel Aviv University. Efraim Davidi, Lecturer of History, Tel-Aviv University. Avner Ben-Amos, Professor of History, Tel-Aviv University. Yuval Yonay, Sociologist, University of Haifa. Ron Barkai, Professor of History (emeritus), Tel Aviv University. Uri Mor, Associate Professor of Hebrew Language, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. Tali Bitan, Associate Professor, University of Haifa. Isaac (Yanni) Nevo, Assoc. Professor of Philosophy, Ben Gurion University, Israel. Zohar Eviatar, Professor Emerita, University of Haifa. Eran Fisher, Associate Professor, The Open University of Israel. Gideon Freudenthal, Prof (em.), Tel Aviv University. Maya Rosenfeld, Sociologist, Hebrew University and Sapir College. Michal Givoni, Senior Lecturer in political theory, Ben Gurion University. Anat Matar, Senior Lecturer, Philosophy Department, Tel Aviv University. Oded Na’aman, Senior Lecturer, Hebrew University. Udi Adiv, PhD, Open University. Yossi Wolfson, Teaching Associate, Tel Aviv University. Michal Braier, Urban Planner and Researcher, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Hannah Safran, Haifa Feminist Institute. Tamir Swissa, Teaching Assistant, Tel Aviv University. Maor Zeev-Wolf, Assistant Professor, Ben Gurion University, Israel. Anat Greenstein, Disability Studies Center, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. Nufar Shimony, Philosophy Lecturer (retired).
The following is the list of Israeli academics from Western institutions who signed the letter:
Meir Amor, Associate Professor, Concordia University (ret.). Shira Klein, Associate Professor of History, Chapman University. Tamir Sorek, Professor of History, Penn State University. Lior Sternfeld, Associate Professor of History and Jewish Studies, Penn State University. Omer Bartov, Professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Brown University. Yinon Cohen, Prof. of Israel & Jewish Studies, Columbia University. Eldar Shafir, Professor of Behavioral Science & Public Policy, Princeton University. Ra’anan Boustan, Research Scholar, Program in Judaic Studies, Princeton University. Hagar Kotef, Professor of Political Theory, SOAS, University of London. Nitzan Lebovic, Professor of History, Lehigh University. Atalia Omer, Professor of Religion, Conflict, and Peace Studies, The University of Notre Dame. Lital Levy, Associate Professor of Comparative Literature, Princeton University. Liron Mor, Associate Professor of Comparative Literature, UC Irvine. Gilat Levy, Professor of Economics, LSE. Shira Robinson, Associate Professor of History and International Affairs, GWU. Regev Nathansohn, Lecturer, Sapir College. Dr. Hilla Dayan, Lecturer at Amsterdam University College. Dorit Naaman, Professor, Queen’s University. Yael Sela, A. von Humboldt Research Fellow, Goethe University Frankfurt. Noa Shaindlinger, Assistant Professor of History, Worcester State University. Ran Greenstein, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. Nitzan Lebovic, professor of History, Lehigh University. Yohai Hakak, Senior lecturer in social work, Brunel University London. Sharon Cohen, Assistant Professor of Introduction to Visual Culture, Bezalel Academy of Arts, Theater director. Haim Bresheeth-Zabner, Professorial Research Associate, SOAS. Yair Wallach, Associate Professor in Israeli Studies, SOAS, University of London. Shira Avni, Associate Professor, Concordia University. Eyal Sivan, Filmmaker & independent researcher. Adi M. Ophir, Visiting Professor, Brown University. Anat Biletzki, Albert Schweitzer Professor of Philosophy, Quinnipiac University. Nadav Assor, Associate Professor of Studio Art, Connecticut College. Thalia Drori Ramirez, Lecturer, CLA, University of Minnesota. Shai Ginsburg, Associate Professor, Duke University. B.H. Yael, Professor, OCAD University. Amittai Aviram, Associate Professor of Computer Science, Boston College. Revital Madar, Postdoctoral Fellow, European University Institute. Shir Alon, Assistant Professor of Middle Eastern Studies, UMN. Ophira Gamliel, Lecturer in South Asian Religions, University of Glasgow. Marcelo Svirsky, Senior Lecturer, University of Wollongong. Nadav Amir, Postdoctoral Fellow, Princeton University. Tom Pessah, Sociologist. Haim Yacobi, Professor of Development Planning, University College London. Neve Gordon, Professor of human rights and humanitarian law, Queen Mary University of London; Vice President of the British Society for Middle East Studies. Itamar Shachar, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Hasselt University, Belgium. Tamar Schneider, Lecturer of Philosophy. Uri Horesh, Lecturer in Arabic, University of St Andrews.
Interestingly, some of the academics are Iranians. Numerous Iranian names, but only several are identified as related to Iran:
Amirhosein Vedadi, Researcher, University of Tehran. Mahd Zarghami, University of Tehran. Ali Ahmad, Tehran University. Atiyeh Vahidmanesh, Assistant Professor of Economics, University of Tehran. Camron Michael Amin, Professor of Middle East and Iranian Diaspora Studies, University of Michigan-Dearborn, Former President of the Association for Iranian Studies. Janet Afary, Professor of Religious Studies, University of California Santa Barbara, Former President of the Association for Iranian Studies. Nasser Mohajer, Independent Historian of Modern Iran. Frieda Afary, Iranian American librarian, translator, author, Los Angeles.
While it is possible that some of the Iranians are Iranian dissenters, it is also possible that there are regime agents among them. Iranian Universities are known for close connections to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Revolutionary Guards.
Dr. Lior Sternfeld, an associate professor of History and Jewish Studies at Penn State University, was behind the letter to Biden. He is a researcher of Iranian-Jewish history. Sternfeld was apparently influenced by Haggai Ram, a professor of Middle East Studies at Ben Gurion University who was his MA Thesis adviser and is a friend. Ram achieved a certain notoriety with his book Iranophbia: The Logic of an Israeli Obsession, where he argued that Israel’s preoccupation with Tehran’s nuclear project stems from its effort to deflect from the mistreatment of the Mizrahim, Jews who immigrated from Arab countries. Various book reviewers described the book in glowing terms, noting that Ram emphasized the colonial/Orientalist character of Israel. The Iranian regime considered Ram an essential addition to its gallery of Israeli scholars critical of “the Zionist enemy,” such as Professors Ilan Pappe and Shlomo Sand.
In a 2011 review of this book, Sternfeld called Ram “a prominent Israeli scholar” who helped to explain “the pathology of the Israeli obsession with an Iranian threat. He wrote, “Ram juxtaposes this development with the changing political reality in Israel, as the long time Ashkenazi ruling hegemony was voted out, and the ‘Likud’ party—overwhelmingly supported by religious Mizrahi Jews—came to power. At that point, Israelis saw Iran as a reflection of Israel’s own dark future if the Mizrahi forces in Israel should gain more political power. This sentiment grew stronger during the 1980s and the early 1990s.”
Sternfeld’s newest venture into explaining Iran came in an article published in January in Hebrew. Sternfeld wrote, “In my understanding, the October 7 attack came at a very bad time for Iran, when it was supposed to agree with the US on a new outline for the nuclear talks and instead found itself in an international defensive position due to the Hamas attack.”
Discussing how Israeli media reported on the visit of the Iranian Foreign Minister, Hossein Amir Abdullahian, to Lebanon, on October 12, 2023, Sternfeld wrote, “I believe that it is appropriate to examine the visit precisely as one that seeks to prevent Hezbollah from joining the war and thus being dragged into a regional war. Today, from a distance of three months, we see that while there is a limited military confrontation between Hezbollah and Israel, there has not been an entry into the war in full force as estimated by military and political commentators. That is, alongside pressures from within the Lebanese civil society and system, it is very possible that Iran actually served as a restraining factor.”
Evidently, Sternfeld did not read the voluminous post-October 7, 2023 commentaries that indicate that one of the goals of Hamas was to disrupt the Biden administration’s plan to bring Saudi Arabia into the Abraham Accord pact. The regime and all its proxies harshly denounced the prospective Saudi move and are now gloating that the Gaza War put an end to the plan. Alternatively, it is possible that Sternfeld, like many radical leftist academics, has tried to minimize Iran’s pernicious role in destabilizing the region as a step toward “wiping Israel off the map.” According to Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the “Zionist enemy,” aka the “Little Satan,” would cease to exist in the year 2040. A digital clock in a main Tehran square is actually counting down the time to the alleged Israeli demise. Inspired by their Supreme Leader, various regime spokesmen mentioned that a nuclear weapon would be a tool for dispatching the “Little Satan” to its doom. Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, a former president of Iran, once commented that Israel was a one atomic bomb country, adding that all its population would be eliminated. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, another former president who pushed hard for the nuclear program, was fond of speculating on how the world would look after the “Zionist enemy” is gone. He went so far as to support a 2005 conference in Tehran titled “A World without Zionism.”
Whatever the reason for Sternfeld’s stand, he is officially added to the roster of anti-Israel Israeli scholars who wrote the public letter to President Biden, with his name being mentioned in Persian by the Iranian media.
Arguably, they are all reaching out to promote dictatorships in the Middle East.
We, the undersigned academics and supporters, call on the US to stop transfer of all offensive arms and related funds to Israel, immediately. The International Court of Justice found by an overwhelming majority (15 of 17 judges) that South Africa’s allegations – that Israel is engaged in genocide – are plausible. Despite the court ordering provisional measures, the killing and starvation of Gazans has worsened exponentially.
The crime of genocide is defined as “any of the following acts [when] committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group”: killing, causing serious bodily or mental harm, inflicting conditions to bring about physical destruction, imposing measures intended to prevent births.
Israel’s assault on Gaza appears to include both acts and intent stated in the definition of genocide. In the last five months, Israel’s targeting of civilians in Gaza has resulted in over 30,000 dead, 70% of them children and women, with thousands more under rubble. There are documented cases of executions, torture, sexual violence, and persistent policies leading to starvation and dehydration. Public health experts predict that by year’s end, hundreds of thousands will die as a result of Israel’s actions. Israeli leaders have called for retribution and abandoning restraint, assigned collective responsibility to an entire nation for the atrocious Oct. 7 crimes of Hamas, and called for making the Gaza Strip uninhabitable.
The US is a party to the Genocide Convention, and owes the international community the obligation to prevent this heinous crime. When the US continues to send weapons to Israel, especially after ICJ’s provisional measures, it violates these obligations.
President Biden, do not let the United States go down in history as the enabler of genocide. Respect the US’s obligation under international law and basic morality. The only way to stop the starvation of two million people, including 100+ Israeli hostages, is to end this war.
We repeat, genocide is plausible.
List of Signatories
Statement Authors
Meir Amor, Associate Professor, Concordia University (ret.)
Joel Beinin, Donald J. Mclachlan Profesor of History, Emeritus, Stanford University, Former President of the Middle East Studies Association
Sonia Boulos, Associate Professor of International Human Rights Law, Nebrija University, Spain, Fulbright Fellow
Nubar Hovsepian, Associate Professor of Political Science, Emeritus, Chapman University, previously Political Affairs Officer for the United Nations Conference on the Question of Palestine
Shira Klein, Associate Professor of History, Chapman University, National Jewish Book Award finalist
Karin Loevy, Researcher at the Institute for International Law and Justice, New York University School of Law, Israel Law Review Prize winner
Tamir Sorek, Professor of History, Penn State University, Shapiro Prize for best book in Israel Studies winner
Lior Sternfeld, Associate Professor of History and Jewish Studies, Penn State University, Templeton Fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute
Award Winners & Academic Leaders
George P. Smith, 2018 Nobel Laureate in Chemistry, Professor Emeritus of Biological Sciences, University of Missouri
Sir Richard J. Roberts, 1993 Nobel Laureate in Physiology or Medicine, Fellow of the Royal Society, Chief Scientific Officer, New England Biolabs
Omer Bartov, Professor of Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Brown University, National Jewish Book Award winner
Zachary Lockman, Professor of Middle East History, New York University, Former President of Middle East Studies Association, Member of the British Academy
Sasha Senderovich, Associate Professor of Slavic and Jewish Studies, University of Washington, Seattle, National Jewish Book Award finalist
Bruce Robbins, Old Dominion Foundation Professor in the Humanities, Department of English and Comparative Literature, Columbia University, Guggenheim Fellow
Yinon Cohen, Prof. of Israel & Jewish Studies, Columbia University, Winner of the United States-Israel Bi-national Science Foundation (BSF)
Crystal Murphy, Associate professor of Political Science, Chapman University, Fulbright Scholar
Stefan H. Krieger, Richard J. Cardali Distinguished Professor in Trial Advocacy, Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University
Bill Ayers, Distinguished Professor (retired), University of Illinois at Chicago
Ronald Grigor Suny, William H. Sewell Jr. Distinguished University Professor of History, The University of Michigan, Guggenheim Fellow
Howard Winant, Distinguished Professor of Sociology Emeritus, University of California, Santa Barbara, Fulbright Scholar
Zia Mian, Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University, Linus Pauling Legacy Award; Leo Szilard Award; Fellow of the American Physical Society
Eldar Shafir, Professor of Behavioral Science & Public Policy, Princeton University, Guggenheim Fellowship; Named one of Foreign Policy Magazine’s 100 Leading Global Thinkers; member of American Academy of Arts and Sciences
Ra’anan Boustan, Research Scholar, Program in Judaic Studies, Princeton University, Fulbright Fellow
Lydia Kiesling, Writer, National Book Foundation honoree; VCU Cabell First Novelist Award finalist
Hagar Kotef, Professor of Political Theory, SOAS, University of London, C.B Macpherson Book Award; Yale Ferguson Award; Spitz Prize in Democratic Theory
Camron Michael Amin, Professor of Middle East and Iranian Diaspora Studies, University of Michigan-Dearborn, Former President of the Association for Iranian Studies
Carolyn J. Dean, Charles J. Stille Professor of History and French, Yale University, Guggenheim Fellow
Jeff Warner, Former Chief of Geochemistry, NASA Johnson Space Center, NASA Exceptional Achievement Medal
Hasia Diner, Professor Emeritus of History, New York University, National Jewish Book Award winner, Guggenheim Fellow
Mitchell Plitnick, President, ReThinking Foreign Policy, Palestine Book Counter Current Award
Simon Dinnerstein, Artist, Rome Prize, Fulbright Fellow
Seyla Benhabib, Eugene Meyer Professor Emerita, Yale University; Ernst Bloch prize; Leopold Lucas Prize; Meister Eckhart Prize of the Identity Foundation and the University of Cologne; former President of the Eastern Division of the American Philosophical Association
Joseph Camilleri, Professor Emeritus of International Relations, La Trobe University, Melbourne, Order of Australia Medal, Member of Academy of Social Sciences in Australia
Kathryn Levy, Poet; American Poetry Series Finalist, Midwest Book Award
Elliott Lieb, Professor of Mathematics and Physics (emeritus), Princeton University, Fulbright Fellow
Rob Nixon, Professor, Princeton; American Book Award; Fulbright Fellow; MacArthur Foundation Peace and Security Fellow
Lawrence Rosenwald, Professor of English Emeritus, Wellesley College, Guggenheim Fellow
Jo Radner, Professor Emerita, American University; former President of the American Folklore Society
Arlene Stein, Distinguished Professor of Sociology, Rutgers University; American Sociological Association’s Simon and Gagnon Award
Nitzan Lebovic, Apter Chair of Holocaust Studies and Ethical Values, Professor of History, Lehigh UniversityAdeeb Khalid, Jane and Raphael Bernstein Professor of Asian Studies and History, Carleton College; Guggenheim Fellow
Kia Corthron, American playwright and novelist, Windham Campbell Prize
Melissa Williams, Professor of Political Science, University of Toronto, First Book Award from the American Political Science Association
Barbara B. Brown, Lecturer in African Studies, Boston University, Fulbright Scholar
Harriet Zaidman, Writer; Geoffrey Bilson Award for Historical Fiction
Lawrence Blum, Distinguished Professor of Liberal Arts and Education, University of Massachusetts, Boston
Lynne Tillman, writer, Guggenheim Fellow, Creative Capital Andy Warhol Foundation Grantee, American Academy of Arts and Letters’ Katherine Anne Porter Award for Contributions to Literature
Michael Harris, Professor of Mathematics, Columbia University, Member of the National Academy of Sciences
Arthur Ogus, Distinguished Professor Emeritus of Mathematics, UC Berkeley
Rebecca Ruth Gould, Distinguished Professor of Comparative Poetics and Global Politics, SOAS University of London
Janet Afary, Professor of Religious Studies, University of California Santa Barbara, Former President of the Association for Iranian Studies
Atalia Omer, Professor of Religion, Conflict, and Peace Studies, The University of Notre Dame, Andrew Carnegie Fellow
Eva Mroczek, Associate Professor of Religious Studies and Jewish Studies, UC Davis, Director of Jewish Studies Program; Association for Jewish Studies Jordan Schnitzer Book Prize; De Long Book History Prize awarded by the Society for the History of Authorship, Reading, and Publishing; Manfred Lautenschlaeger Prize for Theological Promise
Victoria de Grazia, Professor of History Emerita, Columbia University, Member of American Academy of Arts & Sciences
Lital Levy, Associate Professor of Comparative Literature, Princeton University, Salo Baron Prize for the best book in Jewish history
Elizabeth Bernstein, Professor and Chair of Women’s Gender and Sexuality Studies, and Professor of Sociology, Barnard College, Columbia University, Norbert Elias Prize
Allison Mickel, Director of Global Studies and Associate Professor of Anthropology, Lehigh University, Fulbright Scholar
John Harte, Professor of Ecology, University of California, Berkeley, Guggenheim Fellow; George Polk Award; Leo Szilard Prize from the American Physical Society; Member of the American Physical Society; Pew Scholars Prize in Conservation and the Environment
Grazia Borrini-Feyerabend, President, Paul K. Feyerabend Foundation; winner of the Fred Packard International Parks Merit Award
Arturo` Escobar, Distinguished Professor of Anthropology Emeritus, UNC, CHapel Hill, Member of American Academy of Arts & Sciences
Soraya de Chadarevian, Professor of History, UCLA, National Science Foundation (NSF) Award
David Barkin, Distinguished Professor of Economics, Metropolitan University, Mexico City; Alexander von Humboldt Award
Silvia Kolbowski, Artist, Creative Capital/Warhol Foundation Arts Grant awardee; National Endowment for the Arts awardee; Terra Foundation for the American Art awardee
Kenneth Frampton, Emeritus Professor, GSAPP, Columbia University, Soane Medal, London; Golden Lion for Lifetime Achievement, Venice; American Institute of Architects’ National Honors Award, Washington, DC; Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE)
Beverly R. Voloshin, Professor Emerita of English, San Francisco State University, Former president of the Pacific Ancient and Modern Language Association; Fulbright Scholar
Susan S. Lanser, Professor Emerita of Comparative Literature, English, and Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies, Brandeis University, Former President of the American Society of 18th-Century Studies; Former President of the International Society for the Study of Narrative; Wayne C Booth Lifetime Achievement Award from the International Society for the Study of Narrative; Mellon Foundation Sawyer Seminar Grant
Carlos Alvarez Pereira, Advisor, UNESCO Chair of Global Understanding for Sustainability
S Faizi, Ecologist, UN Environmental negotiatiator; UNEP Global 500 Award; Lifetime Achievement in Biodiversity Honour of the Serbian Government
Richard Ruppel, English Professor, Chapman University
W. Russell Anderson, Architect
Mohammad Jarrahi, Associate Professor, UNC Chapel Hill
Marcella Durand, Poet
Anat Matar, Senior Lecturer, Philosophy Department, Tel Aviv University
Revital Madar, Postdoctoral Fellow, European University Institute
Alexandra Brown, Artist, UK
Oded Na’aman, Senior Lecturer, Hebrew University
Ali Moalem, Assistant Professor of Radiology, Columbia University
Rabbi Brian Walt, Rabbi Emeritus, Mishkan Shalom
Fareed Munir, Professor of Religious Studies, Siena College
Annette Feld, Psychoanalyst, New Lacanian School, WAP
Caglayan Baser, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Syracuse University
George Dameron, Emeritus Professor of History, Saint Michael’s College
Haneen Zoabi, Activist
Martha Sweezy, Assistant Professor, Harvard Medical School
Dale Mendoza, Children’s book author
Jocelyn Leitzinger, Assistant Professor, University of Illinois Chicago
Mahd Zarghami, University of Tehran
Phd, K. N. Toosi University of Technology
Lauren Newhouse
Misagh Parsa, Professor Emeritus of Sociology, Dartmouth College
Mahmood Monshipouri, Professor of International Relations, San Francisco State University
Ali Akbar Mahdi, Emeritus Professor of Sociology, Ohio Wesleyan University
Mojtaba Taiebat, PhD, Sr. Technical Program Manager AWS
Cyrus Bina, Professor Emeritus of Economics, University of Minnesota
Valentine M. Moghadam, Professor of Sociology and International Affairs, Northeastern University, Boston
Ali Ahmad, Tehran university
Mahmood Hakak, Professor of Theatre, Siena College
Himmat Zoubi, Researcher, EUME, Berlin
Lynellyn Long, Humanitarian worker
Yasmeen Daher, Academic
Vasuki Nesia, Professor of Human Rights and International Law, The Gallatin School, NYU
Ahmed Abbes, Mathematician, Paris
Niv Perelsztejn, PhD Candidate, Haifa University
Jamal Mimouni, Astrophysics Professor, Univ. of Constantine, Algeria
Orna Rinat, Journalist of animals rights, “Haaretz”
Ronen Wolf
Lily Truabmann, Feminist
Udi Adiv, PhD, Open University
Yossi Wolfson, Teaching Associate, Tel Aviv University
Bilha Golan Sundermann
Michal Braier, Urban Planner and Researcher, Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Ron Naiweld, Resercher, CNRS-EHESS
Keren Assaf, Graduate assistant, University of New Mexico
Sonia Dayan-Herzbrun, Professor Emerita, Université Paris Cité
Mahmoud Sadri, Professor of Sociology, Texas Women’s University
Michael Cooper, Professor of Pediatric Cardiology (retired), UCSF-Benioff Children’s Hospital
Hannah Safran, Haifa Feminist Institute
Catherine Goldstein, Director of research at the CNRS, Paris
Arlene Richman, Artist
Sara Moreno, Special Education Teacher
Shir Alon, Assistant Professor of Middle Eastern Studies, UMN
Ophira Gamliel, Lecturer in South Asian Religions, University of Glasgow
Jennifer Tomkins, Donor and activist
Dania Thomas, Assistant Professor, Glasgow University
Charkles E. Jones, Tombros Librarian for Classics and Humanities, Penn State University
Giovanni Picker, Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of Glasgow (UK)
Ben Fulford, Senior Lecturer in Theology, University of Chester
Marcelo Svirsky, Senior Lecturer, University of Wollongong
Netta Naaman, Curator
Yazid Ben Hounet, CNRS Researcher, Laboratoire d’Anthropologie Sociale
Dee Horne, Professor Emerita, University of Northern British Columbia
Dana Lloyd, Assistant Professor of Global Interdisciplinary Studies, Villanova University
Grant Freeman, Musician
Alexandra O’Brien, Former Adjunct Professor of Ancient Near Eastern Studies, University of Chicago
Jay Weber, Adjunct Faculty, Wentworth Institute of Technology
Nadav Amir, Postdoctoral Fellow, Princeton University
Abraham Mizrachi
Tom Pessah, Sociologist
William Kumbier, Professor Emeritus, Missouri Southern State University
Andrea Schafer
Uri Bitan
Tamir Swissa, Teaching Assistant, Tel Aviv University
Daniel Falk, Professor of Classics and Ancient Mediterranean Studies, Penn State University
Max Likin, Board member, Freedom Education Project Puget Sound
Michael Stuart, Lecturer in Philosophy, University of York
Yiftach Starick, Musician
Haim Yacobi, Professor of Development Planning, University Colllege London
Shlomit Ferguson , Psychotherapist, NI
Itamar Haritan, Doctoral candidate, Cornell University
Maria Stepanov, Activist
Atiyeh Vahidmanesh, Assistant Professor of Economics, University of Tehran
Annick Suzor-Weiner, Professor Emeritus, University Paris-Saclay, Mare Nostrum Prize, French Commission for UNESCO
Galit Ferguson, Psychotherapist, London
Ira Kontorovsky, Clinical Psychologist
Le Page, Museum Educator
Richard Mynick, ER Physician (retired)
Arie Meidav, Concerned US and Israeli citizen
Eva Wohllaib, Psychotherapist
Michel Volovitch, Professor emeritus, Ecole Normale Superieure, Paris
Claire Jones, Zimfest Coordinator
Rich Siegel, free-lance musician and music educator
Sophie Vriz, Professor, Université Paris Cité
Johanna Sellman, Associate Professor of Arabic Literature, The Ohio State University
Maor Zeev-Wolf, Assistant Professor, Ben Gurion University, Israel
Esti Micenmacher
Leah Yael Levy, Teaching Artist
Ertan Salik, Professor of Physics, California State Polytechnic University, Pomona
Esther Rapoport, Psychologist
Brenda Griffith-Williams, Honorary Research Associate, Department of Greek and Latin, University College London
Andrea Cherez, Engaged Citizen
Rowland A Selame, Psychologist
Charles Hawksley, PhD, University of Wollongong, Australia
Irus Braverman, Professor of Law, University at Buffalo, The State University of New York
Alan Thompson, Photographer
Neve Gordon, Professor of human rights and humanitarian law, Queen Mary University of London; Vice President of the British Society for Middle East Studies
Itamar Shachar, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Hasselt University, Belgium
Tamar Schneider, Lecturer of Philosophy
Gwendolyn Simmons, Professor Emerita, University of Florida
Anat Greenstein, Disability Studies Center, Hebrew University, Jerusalem
Jim Ritter, Sorbonne Université
Jason Sumich, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Essex
Ree Wells-Lewis, Professor of Sociology, Missouri Southern State University
Susan Roberta Katz, Professor Emerita, University of San Francisco
Neil Turok, Higgs Chair of Theoretical Physics, University of Edinburgh
Uri Horesh, Lecturer in Arabic, University of St Andrews
Joan Meier, National Family Violence Law Center Professor of Clinical Law, George Washington University Law School
Steven J. Heyman, Professor of Law, Chicago-Kent College of Law, Illinois Tech
Stephen Roddy, Professor, University of San Francisco
Harriet Lipowitz, English as a Second Language Instructor (retired)
Alexandra Lazerow
Maria Llisterri Alvarez, HO Export Control Investigations, Airbus
Hossein Kamlay, Professor of Interreligious Studies, Hartford International University for Religion and Peace
Yohai Hakak, Senior Lecturer in Social Work, Brunel University
Mireille Vaucoret
Yasmine Halevi, Translator
Manuel Rosaldo, Assistant Professor of Labor Relations, Pennsylvania State University
Noga Kadman
Guy Gillor, PhD, University of Melbourne
Sahar Bostock, PhD candidate, Columbia University
Tom Twiss, Faculty emeritus, retired librarian, University of Pittsburgh
Aline Hitti, Associate Professor, University of San Francisco
We welcome signatures from the broader community, regardless of affiliation or profession.
על אף הרטוריקה הלוחמנית, המשטר האיראני יודע להפגין פרגמטיות גם בזירה הפנימית וגם בזו הבינלאומית כדי לבסס את מעמדו כמעצמה אזורית. מאז 7 באוקטובר איראן מאותתת על רצונה לשמש גורם ממתן. מן הראוי שישראל לא תפסול את האפשרות על הסף
היריבות בין ישראל לאיראן, האיומים ההדדיים ומלחמות הפרוקסי והסייבר בין השתיים הפכו לכל כך ברורים מאליהם, עד שדומה כי אין צורך לבחון אם קיימת אופציה אחרת. בחיבור קצר זה אני מבקש לבחון את ההתנהלות והמדיניות של איראן מזווית שונה, תוך התמקדות במעשים במקום ברטוריקה.
איראן היא מעצמה אזורית ותפיסתה את עצמה ממקמת אותה כמעצמה במזרח התיכון, בעולם המוסלמי ובעולם דובר הפרסית (שכולל את אפגניסטן, טג’יקיסטן, אזרבייג’ן, ונושק להודו, פקיסטן ועוד). היא איננה מעצמה יחידה ולא מתיימרת להיות כזו, אבל היא כן מעוניינת במעמד גבוה יותר.
למרות שלכאורה הוא מגדיר במובן רחב את המחנה שלה, העימות בן 45 השנים בין איראן למערב לא משרת את המטרות של איראן, שמנסה תדיר לפרוץ מבעד למעגלים שמגבילים אותה, ללא קשר לזהות הנשיא המכהן בארה”ב. גם בהקשר של ישראל, המדיניות המוצהרת של הרפובליקה האסלאמית משאירה פתח למרחב תמרון. כך למשל, פעמים רבות, מממשל רפסנג’אני ועד ממשל רוחאני, בכירים איראנים טענו שאם הפלסטינים יגיעו להסכם שיהיה מקובל על כל הפלגים, הם (האיראנים) לא יישאו את דגל המאבק הפלסטיני. כאשר ארגון שיתוף הפעולה האסלאמי אימץ ב-2005 את יוזמת השלום של הליגה הערבית מ-2002, איראן נמנעה ולא התנגדה. עמדתה נעה בין קבלת עמדת הליגה הערבית לבין יוזמת “משאל העם” בין כל יושבי ישראל/פלסטין לגבי פתרון הקבע. כל עוד פתרון כזה לא התקבל, איראן, אמרו בכיריה, תמשיך לתמוך בארגוני התנגדות פלסטינית חמאס והג’יהאד האסלאמי הפלסטיני.
הגמישות הרעיונית היא גם זו שהובילה את המגעים להסכם הגרעין מ-2013 ועד חתימתו ב-2015. המטרה האיראנית הייתה להסיר את הסנקציות שהגבילו מאוד את יכולתה לשקם את הכלכלה ולהרחיב את המסחר. ב-2015 עוד דובר על היום הקרב, שבו ייפתחו מחדש שגרירות איראן בשדרות מסצ’וסטס בוושינגטון והשגרירות האמריקאית בטהראן. ההמשך, כידוע, היה בחירתו של טראמפ ויציאת ארה”ב מהסכם הגרעין, עד להתפוררותו המוחלטת.
בתקופת טראמפ היה ניסיון להגדיר בבירור את המחנה הפרו-אמריקאי (והאנטי-איראני) מחד ואת המחנה האיראני מנגד, כאשר זירות המאבק העיקריות היו תימן ולבנון. הדברים הגיעו אף לכדי ירי טילים איראנים על מתקני נפט סעודים ב-2019. באווירה זו, ממשל טראמפ קידם את הסכמי אברהם, שחתרו לנורמליזציה בין ישראל למדינות ערב, בהן איחוד האמירויות, בחריין, מרוקו וסודאן, כדרך לבלום את השפעתה של איראן. המהלך קיבל את ברכת הדרך הסעודית, שבעצמה נמנעה מלהצטרף בשל עמדתה המסורתית שהסכם ישראלי-סעודי יבוא רק לאחר פתרון הסכסוך בין ישראל לפלסטין.
ניסיונותיו של ביידן, שנכנס לבית הלבן בינואר 2021, חודשים ספורים לפני סוף כהונת רוחאני באיראן, להחיות את הסכם הגרעין, עלו בתוהו. ביוני 2021 איברהים ראיסי, השמרן הקיצוני (הידוע בכינויו “התליין מטהראן”, בשל תפקידו כסגן התובע הכללי בהוצאות להורג ההמוניות בשנת 1988) נבחר לנשיאות, במה שנראה כמסר ברור למערב שהניסיונות לפיוס דיפלומטי תמו. כך נתפסו הדברים בישראל, ארה”ב ובמערב בכלל. חשוב לציין שמעל הבחירות שבהן ניצח ראיסי ריחפה עננה של אי-לגיטימיות, שכן במהלכן נפסל כל מועמד שאינו שמרן מובהק, מה שהוביל לירידה חדה בשיעור המצביעים לעומת כל מערכת בחירות קודמת, אל מתחת ל-50 אחוז.
ממשל ראיסי ספג מכה קשה בעקבות המחאות ההמוניות שפרצו באיראן בספטמבר 2022 במחאה על מותה של מהסא ז’ינא אמיני בזמן מעצרה על ידי משטרת המוסר. ההפגנות, שנמשכו כחצי שנה, נראו בשלב מסוים ככאלה שיכולות להביא להתמוטטות המשטר האיראני. לבסוף, המשטר הצליח להכיל ולבלום את ההפגנות, חוקי החיג’אב כבר לא נאכפים כבעבר, משהו השתנה בהבנת המשטר את הדינמיקה בינו לבין העם. שרידות המשטר חייבה לנקוט צעדים על מנת ליצור דינמיקה חדשה ולזכות בלגיטימיות שאיבד.
לפיכך, ראיסי ביקש לחדש את שיחות הגרעין כדי להביא להסרת הסנקציות ולהישגים שיעזרו בשימור המשטר. במסגרת השיחות המחודשות, שוחררו אסירים אמריקאים עם אזרחות איראנית כפולה ובתמורה הופשרו נכסים איראנים בשווי 6 מיליארד דולר. תחת מטרייה דיפלומטית סינית, איראן חידשה יחסים דיפלומטיים עם סעודיה ויישרה הדורים עם בחריין ועם איחוד האמירויות, חתמה על הסכם לשיתוף פעולה כלכלי עם סין ל-25 שנה, ובקיץ 2023 הוזמנה להצטרף לברית הכלכלית ה-BRICS (הברית ה”מתחרה” ל-G7, וכוללת את החברות המייסדות ברזיל, רוסיה, הודו, סין ודרום אפריקה, לצד מצרים, אתיופיה, איחוד האמירויות וסעודיה). היו שראו בכך סימן להתקרבות של סעודיה ואיחוד האמירויות למחנה האיראני; אך האם לא ניתן לראות את זה דווקא כהתקרבות איראנית ל”ציר הלא איראני”?
להבנתי, מתקפת 7 באוקטובר באה לאיראן בעיתוי גרוע מאוד, שבו היתה אמורה להסכים עם ארה”ב על מתווה חדש לשיחות הגרעין ובמקום זאת מצאה עצמה בעמדת מגננה בינלאומית בשל מתקפת חמאס.
ב-12 באוקטובר דווח בתקשורת הישראלית על ביקור שר החוץ האיראני, חוסיין אמיר עבדאללהיאן, בלבנון, “בצל איומיהם של חיזבאללה הלבנוני וגדודי חיזבאללה העיראקיים, שניהם ארגונים בני חסות של טהראן, להתערב במלחמה”. מטעם שגריר איראן בלבנון נמסר כי “לאור האירועים הפלסטיניים הנוכחיים, הפשעים נגד האנושות שמתבצעים בעזה והשלכותיהם מסוכנות, מסע הדילוגים של שר החוץ באזור יחל היום”, כלומר, לפי דיווח זה והערכות מהימים שקדמו לביקור, איראן באה לתאם או לעודד את חיזבאללה לפעול נגד ישראל. אני סבור שראוי לבחון את הביקור דווקא ככזה שמבקש למנוע מחיזבאללה מלהצטרף למלחמה ובכך להיגרר למלחמה אזורית. כיום, ממרחק של שלושה חודשים אנו רואים שבעוד שמתקיים עימות צבאי מוגבל בין חיזבאללה לישראל, לא נרשמה כניסה למלחמה במלוא העוצמה כפי שהעריכו פרשנים צבאיים ומדיניים. כלומר, לצד לחצים מתוך החברה והמערכת האזרחית הלבנונית, ייתכן מאוד שאיראן שימשה דווקא כגורם מרסן.
בולטות בהיעדרן גם הפגנות ענק נגד ישראל או בעד פלסטין באיראן. למרות מפגן תמיכה במג’לס (הפרלמנט האיראני) בעד חמאס ופלסטין, הציבור האיראני, לא בפעם הראשונה, מזהה את המאבק הפלסטיני כמטרה של המשטר ואף ככלי להסחת דעת ופופוליזם זול. למעט הפגנות ספורדיות, נרשמה אדישות שמתחברת לעוינות הציבורית הכללית נגד המשטר. במספר משחקי כדורגל בליגה הבכירה צולמו סרטונים שהפכו לוויראליים, שבהם אוהדים שרו בעת הצגת הדגל הפלסטיני: “תדחפו אותו [את הדגל] לתחת שלכם”, או צעקו במשחק אחר בזמן דקת הדומייה לזכר קורבנות עזה. ידידי, ד”ר רז צימט, תיאר במאמר באתר “וואלה” את המתרחש סביב תוכנית אקטואליה בנושא הפלסטיני בטלוויזיה האיראנית, שהפכה לזירת התנגשויות בין זרמים פוליטיים.
“כל האופציות על השולחן”. האמנם?
על רקע זה אני מבקש להסב את תשומת הלב לדבריו של שר החוץ האיראני באו”ם ב-26 באוקטובר. עבדאללהיאן אמר שאיראן מעוניינת למנוע את הידרדרות המצב, “ובהתבסס על מאמצינו האחרונים, אנו מוכנים למלא תפקיד רציני יותר במקרה הזה. בהקשר זה, תנועת השחרור חמאס הודיעה על הסכמתה לשחרר בני ערובה לא צבאיים, ואיראן, טורקיה וקטר מוכנות לקחת תפקיד במשימה ההומניטרית החשובה הזו. כמובן ש[משימת] שחרור 6,000 אסירים פלסטינים מידי המשטר הכובש תהיה באחריות ארה”ב”.
איני טוען שצריך לקבל את דבריו ללא ביקורת, אולם לכל הפחות היה ראוי להגיב ואולי אף לבחון את כנות דבריו. ככל הידוע, הממשלה היחידה שביקשה להסתייע בהצעת איראן לתיווך היתה הממשלה התאילנדית, ועובדה היא שהאזרחים התאילנדים שוחררו ללא תמורה. ב-12 בדצמבר אמר עבדאללהיאן בז’נבה כי ישראל וארה”ב לעולם לא תוכלנה למחות את חמאס, ושישראל תוכל להבטיח את שחרור בני הערובה רק חלק מפתרון פוליטי לסכסוך כולו. גם הצהרה זו משקפת עמדה פרגמטית.
כאן תשאל הקוראת, ובצדק, אם איראן אכן שואפת לתפקיד ממתן, מדוע היא בכל זאת תומכת בארגוני המאבק המזוין הפלסטינים ובחיזבאללה, ואף הכניסה למשחק בעמדה משופרת את החות’ים.
אחת התשובות היא שחמאס והג’יהאד האסלאמי הם קודם כל ארגונים פלסטינים, ממש כמו שחיזבאללה הוא קודם כל ארגון לבנוני, ופעולותיהם באות לשרת את מטרותיהם בחברות המיידיות שבהן הם פועלים. כך גם החות’ים. המטרות המיידיות שלהם קשורות למלחמה ולהסדרי סיום המלחמה בתימן, ותמיכה במאבק הפלסטיני משרתת אותם בזירה התימנית והערבית, כפי שהראה לאחרונה שמוליק לדרמן במאמר בפורום לחשיבה אזורית.
שנית, אין לצפות שאיראן תפסיק את תמיכתה בארגונים פלסטיניים או אחרים כצעד ראשון. מהלך שכזה יכול להגיע אך ורק כחלק מתהליך אזורי כולל, שראשיתו בפתרון הסכסוך עם פלסטין. על ישראל מוטלת חובה לבחון את כל האפשרויות לנטרול סכנות ואיומים בדרכים לא צבאיות. ישראל הרשמית מעולם לא דנה ביוזמת השלום של הליגה הערבית, שלפחות בתיאוריה יכלה לשים סוף לאלימות ולמלחמות בסביבתנו הקרובה והאמצעית, מפלסטין בגדה וברצועה ועד לבנון, תימן ואיראן. אך משום מה, כאשר אומרים שכל האופציות על השולחן, אף פעם לא נכללות האופציות שאינן מלחמה.
המאמר נגזר מתוך חיבור ארוך יותר שנכתב לאחר שנת מחקר עבור ה- Foreign Policy Research Institute וכלל מקורות מהתקשורת בערבית, בעברית ובפרסית, כמו גם מקורות ארכיוניים ועיתונאיים בסין. פרופ’ ליאור שטרנפלד מלמד היסטוריה של איראן המודרנית במחלקה להיסטוריה ובתוכנית ללימודים יהודיים באוניברסיטת פן סטייט. מחבר הספר “בין איראן לציון: יהודי איראן במאה העשרים”.
Two weeks ago the British Guardian revealed that the Israeli Air-Force has been conducting secret training exercises in preparation for an imminent attack on Iran. As the war drums beats get stronger, one should ask why Iran preoccupies such a large part of Israel’s inner discourse? If Iran imposes such an existential threat to Israel, why do threats sound louder coming from Jerusalem? I am no expert on nuclear issues, therefore the goal of this essay is not to assess the level of threat Iran poses to Israel, but rather to question the pathology of the Israeli obsession with an Iranian threat.
There could be no better time to read Haggai Ram’s Iranophobia: the Logic of an Israeli Obsession (full disclosure: Haggai Ram was my MA Thesis advisor and is a friend). Haggai Ram, a prominent Israeli scholar, offers a new reading of the long history of the relationship between Israel and Iran, and persuasively analyzes the problematic Israeli “reading” of Iran.
Prior to the 1979 revolution, Iran and Israel forged a close and very beneficial relationship, stemming from Israel’s strategy of “the Alliance of Periphery.” This alliance was aimed at bringing the three non-Arab countries of the Middle East — Israel, Turkey, and Iran, — and the Christian state of east Africa— Ethiopia—into a strategic collaboration vis-à-vis the Arab states. What brought these countries together was the fear of Nasser’s pan-Arabism, which appeared to be on the borders of each. Israel and Iran, apart from the strategic collaboration, also became trade partners. Iran supplied Israel most of its oil needs and Israeli companies worked throughout Iran in supplying military technology (ironically, even nuclear), agricultural assistance, and construction. The relationship thrived as both countries imagined themselves as non-Middle Eastern by nature. Israel’s self perception envisaged a Judeo-Christian civilization, and in Iran the Shah tried to instill the “Aryan Hypothesis” arguing that Iranians are of ancient indo-European tribes descent.
The 1979 revolution, however, took Iran to a different place in the Israeli imagination. Not only did Iran cease to be “modern,” but it also represented everything that seemed wrong and backward in the Middle East. The Israeli nightmare became a reality in the former close ally. Ram juxtaposes this development with the changing political reality in Israel, as the long time Ashkenazi ruling hegemony was voted out, and the ‘Likud’ party—overwhelmingly supported by religious Mizrahi Jews—came to power. At that point, Israelis saw Iran as a reflection of Israel’s own dark future if the Mizrahi forces in Israel should gain more political power. This sentiment grew stronger during the 1980s and the early 1990s. Ram brings a telling example of Iran’s function in the Israeli inner discourse in a slogan penned by Zionist leftist Meretz party in its 1992 campaign: “This is not Iran” (Kan lo iran). Ram explains: “in this slogan Meretz obviously rejected Iran, but at the same time it also suggested that Israel was becoming an Iran-like state, treading a dangerous path that might culminate in the establishment of a Jewish theocracy.”
In another important contribution of this work, Ram traces the place Iran had in the Israeli scholarship of the Middle East, especially on the Iranian Jews. Ram eloquently shows that the history of Iranian Jewry was written mainly by Iranian or Israeli Jews, and was deeply embedded in the Zionist paradigm, which denigrated Jewish existence anywhere but in Israel, and especially in a Muslim country. Therefore, the history of integrated communities in the Middle East was reduced to a history of persecution and cultural achievement.
Iranophobia is highly recommended reading for anyone interested in Israeli society. It helps explain Israeli anxieties about the Iranian nuclear threat and incidentally also helps explain Israeli anxieties in response to the Arab spring.
Tel Aviv University emeritus Professor Moshe Zuckermann was finally defined as an Antisemite. IAM often reported on Zuckermann, so it came as little surprise that his activity was labeled antisemitic.
Recently, Zuckermann was scheduled to appear at an event held by the Heilbronn Adult Education Center (VHS Heilbronn) in Germany. However, when the organizers asked the Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany about Zuckermann, they pulled out because of concerns that “intense criticism was expected.” They were told that Zuckermann is “highly controversial” due to his position on Israel. He once spoke at a BDS event and would claim that there is “fundamentally an apartheid against non-Jews” in Israel. According to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), an intergovernmental organization with 35 Member Countries founded in 1998, this is considered “anti-Semitic.” The IHRA Definition of Antisemitism was adopted by Germany in 2017.
The German-Israeli Society (DIG) was the first to raise concerns about Zuckermann because of his support of the BDS movement. According to DIG, Zuckermann’s support for the BDS movement violated the 2019 Bundestag resolution prohibiting the use of public funds to finance initiatives that call for a boycott of Israel. As a result, the higher education center withdrew its support, and the meeting was moved to another location.
It is interesting in this context to present the exchange of emails pertaining to the case. Leonard B. Kaminski, Personal Advisor to the Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight against Anti-Semitism wrote in an email in response to the inquiry about Zuckermann: “Dear Mr. Hawighorst, Thank you very much for your inquiry to Commissioner Dr. Klein, on whose behalf I am answering you. Moshe Zuckermann is indeed highly controversial because of his positions on Israel. Specifically, for example, he was invited as a speaker to an event organized by BDS in 2022. He also holds the view that there is fundamentally apartheid against non-Jews in Israel. This is a position that would have to be considered anti-Semitic according to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s definition of anti-Semitism, which is endorsed by the federal government. Now there is no ban on inviting such controversial people. At the same time, democratic exchange also means that such an invitation must be expected to receive correspondingly intense criticism. Best regards, Leonard Kaminski.”
Zuckermann said in response to the allegations, “I am the son of Holocaust survivors, my parents were Auschwitz survivors, and then I have to let some German officials tell me that I am an anti-Semite because I criticize the country in where I live and, as a citizen of this country, I am also one I have a civil responsibility to criticize this country. For example, the 50-year-old, dehumanizing occupation regime that has existed in violation of international law is worthy of criticism. Every decent person has to become critical of this because a whole other People is being harassed. The mere fact that I take this out as a responsible citizen “Doing this here is seen by the Germans as an indication that I must be an anti-Semite.” He said in an interview.
Zuckermann added: “Why did the adult education center back down, even though they originally wanted to do the event with me? Because they are “afraid of being labeled anti-Semitic. The best way to silence people in Germany today and put a muzzle on them and to say: You’re anti-Semitic. And then it’s up to you how you manipulate them into anti-Semitism.” Zuckermann claims he has always criticized BDS but maintains that Israel is an apartheid state in the territories that have been occupied in violation of international law for 50 years. “Although Israel controls both the West Bank and the heartland of Israel, there are two justice systems. One is the civil justice system in Israel, and the other is the military justice system in the West Bank. There you go, two justice systems. That’s what you call apartheid.” He said.
However, contrary to Zuckermann’s denial of supporting BDS, the European Legal Support Center (ELSC), a group that defends and empowers advocates for Palestinian rights across Europe through legal means, published in 2020, an Expert Opinion by M. Zuckerman on the Right to Boycott, where Zuckermann stated: “I am emeritus professor at the Cohn Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Ideas at Tel Aviv University, Israel. I have taught history and philosophy of the humanities, social sciences and cultural sciences, including German history of the humanities, at this institute. Among other things, I have published on German-Jewish history, on Zionism and antisemitism, and have lectured and written extensively on antisemitism and the public debate on Israel and its politics in Germany. Mr. Ahmed Abed asked me to prepare an expert opinion on a case he is currently representing against the City of Bonn. I would like to emphasize and explain three things with this expert opinion: (1) that the decision ‘There is no place in Bonn for the anti-Semitic BDS movement’ taken by the City of Bonn on 14.5.2019 incorrectly equates legitimate criticism of the Israeli government with antisemitism; (2) that BDS is a non-violent movement that protests against human rights violations in Israel/Palestine and has expressed its strong opposition to ‘all forms of racism, including antisemitism’; (3) that the application of the Decision has an adverse effect on the legitimate and urgent debate on violations of human rights and international law in Israel/Palestine, thus disregarding and undermining the right to freedom of expression as formulated in Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which guarantees ‘the reception and dissemination of information and ideas without interference by public authorities and regardless of frontiers’.”
Never to miss an opportunity to publicize his views, Zuckermann published an article in the German media. He wrote, “Now I can boast of having been officially defined as anti-Semitic by the German government.”
Zuckermann should be aware that the IHRA Definition of Antisemitism is based on the speech content alone. The ethnic background of the person, even if he is the son of Holocaust survivors, does not matter, and neither do other personal characteristics. The IHRA Definition is also clear that legitimate criticism of Israel is not a form of antisemitism. Unfortunately, Zuckermann is one of several Israeli scholars who use their taxpayer-supported academic position to harshly attack Israel. As IAM frequently reported, they are highly sought after by pro-Palestinian advocates.
For the German government, even the Israeli sociologist Moshe Zuckermann “has anti-Semitic positions”
March 26, 2024
First the criticisms of the Israeli director, Yuval Abraham guilty of having denounced “apartheid” against the Palestinians during the Berlin Film Festival, now the accuseOfantisemitism (also by the German government) are revolts Israeli sociologist and professor emeritus of history and philosophy at Tel Aviv University, Moshe Zuckermann.
As he says the poster Zuckermann – signatory of the Jerusalem Declaration on anti-Semitism – was the subject of attacks by German-Israeli Society and the personal advisor of Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight against Anti-Semitism which the Israeli sociologist defined as “very controversial” and that his critical position towards the policies of the Tel Aviv government “should be considered anti-Semite according to the definition of anti-Semitism approved by the German government and defined by the IHRA”.
It all started from the invitation addressed to Moshe Zuckermann from Heilbronn Peace Council for a demonstration on the situation in Israel and Palestine organized with the local Popular University (Vhs), in the latter’s headquarters. The criticisms raised by German-Israeli Society (Dig) – who accuses Zuckermann of being a supporter of movement for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (Bds) to Israel – led to the moving of the meeting to another location and the withdrawal of the University’s participation in the event. For the DIG, in fact, the scholar’s support for the movement violates the 2019 Bundestag resolution which provides for the ban on financing with public funds initiatives that call for a boycott of Israel.
The university also requested information from the Ministry of the Interior. Hence came the statement from the personal advisor to the Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish life in Germany and the fight against anti-Semitism who, defining Zuckermann as “controversial” and with positions that “should be defined ANTISEMITIC“, remember however that “there is no prohibition to invite such controversial people.” Councilor who also recalls that Zuckermann “claims that there is ‘apartheid’ in Israel” and that in 2022 he was invited to speak at an event of the BDS movement.
“Now I can boast of having been officially defined as anti-Semitic by the German government“, replied the Israeli sociologist. Moshe Zuckermann also recalled that what is under accusation are not his positions on Jews or Judaism but on Israel and that since he is a citizen of that State he has the right to take even contrary positions on his actions.
“Accusation of anti-Semitism has become a political weapon”, says Moshe Zuckermann after denunciation by German government commissioner
26. March 2024
Due to an email from Felix Klein’s office, the adult education centre withdrew from a talk with the renowned Israeli professor Moshe Zuckermann. He therefore criticised German solidarity with Israel.
The persecution of Israeli intellectuals in Germany has gained another facet: The Heilbronn chapter of the German-Israeli Society (DIG) tried to prevent a lecture by the renowned author and academic Moshe Zuckermann in Heilbronn and was partially successful. An event on the conflict between Israel and Palestine originally planned together with the Adult Education Centre (VHS) for 12 March had to be held by the Peace Council alone at another location in Heilbronn.
Zuckermann publicised the incident in an article on the blog “Overton” at the weekend, writing: “I can now boast that I have been officially declared an anti-Semite by the German government.”
The reason for the relocation was an email from the office of German anti-Semitism commissioner Felix Klein to the VHS. Leonard Kaminski, chairman of the Israel-solidarity lobby organisation “Werteinitiative” until 2023 and now Klein’s personal advisor, denounced Zuckermann as “highly controversial due to his positions on Israel” and made false accusations. Zuckermann quotes the email in full in his article.
The message from the office of the anti-Semitism commissioner to the VHS was triggered by an allegation made in Heilbronn by the DIG, which also acts as a lobby organisation, that Zuckermann openly promotes the BDS boycott movement. Unsettled by this, the VHS sent a request for information to the Federal Ministry of the Interior and asked, among other things: “Are you aware of any statements by Z. that have demonstrably left the protected area of freedom of expression and turned into violations of legal interests?”
Until 2018, Zuckermann was Professor of Philosophy and History of Humanities and Social Sciences at Tel Aviv University, where he grew up as the son of Polish-Jewish Holocaust survivors. In his younger years, he described himself as a left-wing Zionist, but abandoned the ideology after the first Lebanon war. As the editor of many books on the Holocaust, the politics of remembrance and anti-Semitism, Zuckermann still intervenes in debates in Germany and Israel today.
In his writings, Zuckermann also criticises the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories. The email from Felix Klein’s office also contained a misrepresentation in this regard: It stated that the professor “also holds the view that apartheid against non-Jews prevails in Israel as a matter of principle”. However, he only uses the word for the West Bank, Zuckermann tells “nd”. In the heartland of Israel, too, hey says, the Palestinians have been second-class citizens since the state was founded in 1948.
The VHS received the response to the request for information from the Ministry of the Interior directly from Klein’s office. It also claims that Zuckermann spoke as a speaker at an event organised by the BDS boycott movement in 2022. However, BDS was not even discussed there, Zuckermann explained when asked by “nd”. He also considers the campaign to be fundamentally wrong, as it is not effective and therefore does not really serve the fight against the occupation.
“In Germany, the accusation of anti-Semitism has become a political weapon,” says Zuckermann about the claims. “The moment they risk being accused of anti-Semitism, people fall silent. This is what Felix Klein has been given the mandate for.”
Peter Ullrich, anti-Semitism researcher at the Technical University of Berlin, takes a similar view: “Criticism of anti-Semitism in Germany has gone off the rails, partly because it is almost only interested in criticism related to Israel. This certainly exists, but the accusation is used in a completely marginalised way. Felix Klein is an exponent of this,” says Ullrich to “nd”.
Zuckermann considers the philo-Semitism expressed by Klein & Co. to be anti-Semitic itself: “In purely scientific terms, anti-Semitism and philo-Semitism stem from the same resentment; in both cases, ‘the Jews’ are abstracted. Either they are demonised or they are all referred to as Einstein. Every German who is unreflectively in solidarity with Israel therefore also harbours a bit of anti-Semitism.”
The DIG tried to thwart an event with me in Heilbronn. In doing so, I earned myself an official classification from the German federal government as an anti-Semite .
A few weeks ago I was invited by the Heilbronn Peace Council to an event that was to take place on Tuesday, March 12th. A lecture was planned followed by a discussion, which should include an explanation of the current situation in Israel/Palestine, an analysis of the history of the conflict and a discussion of future perspectives and possible solutions.
Originally, this event was planned to be jointly sponsored by the Heilbronn Adult Education Center (VHS) and the Heilbronn Peace Council and to be held in the VHS rooms. But then, shortly before the event date, it was announced that the Heilbronn Peace Council would be holding this event under its own sponsorship in the Heilbronn youth hostel, Paula-Fuchs-Allee 3. You can take part either in person or online.
What happened? The German-Israeli Society (DIG) Heilbronn criticized the event “towards third parties”. Among other things, it was explained that the speaker openly supported and promoted the BDS boycott movement. Furthermore, with the event, the VHS violated the Bundestag’s resolution of May 2019, which demanded that projects that call for a boycott of Israel or support the BDS movement should not be financially supported.
The VHS commented: “Unfortunately, the DIG never directly approached the VHS Heilbronn with its criticism. No evidence was provided to support the allegations made. The VHS researched the speaker in advance. No reliable findings in the sense of the allegations made emerged. However, since a final review was not possible in such a short time and a factual and objective exchange could not be expected, the VHS canceled the co-organizer as a precautionary measure. A legal review has been initiated.”
On March 7th, the VHS contacted the Ministry of the Interior and Homeland with the following request about me: “Do you or your office have reliable information that Z. belongs to the BDS movement or is actively promoting goals that persecuted the BDS movement? Are you aware of Z.’s statements that demonstrably leave the scope of protection of freedom of expression and turn into violations of legal interests? Background: The VHS Heilbronn planned a VA with Z. and is exposed to harsh criticism from the DIG. Our own research did not provide any reliable evidence in advance. A similar request is being made to the anti-Semitism commissioner in Baden-Württemberg.”
I don’t know what the inquiry to the Baden-Württemberg anti-Semitism commissioner revealed. On the other hand, the VHS, represented by Mr. Peter Hawighorst, received the following notice from Leonard B. Kaminski, Personal Advisor to the Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany and the Fight against Anti-Semitism (Dr. Felix Klein):
Dear Mr. Hawighorst,
Thank you very much for your inquiry to Commissioner Dr. Klein, on whose behalf I am answering you.
Moshe Zuckermann is indeed highly controversial because of his positions on Israel. Specifically, for example, he was invited as a speaker to an event organized by BDS in 2022. He also holds the view that there is fundamentally apartheid against non-Jews in Israel. This is a position that would have to be considered anti-Semitic according to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s definition of anti-Semitism, which is endorsed by the federal government.
Now there is no ban on inviting such controversial people. At the same time, democratic exchange also means that such an invitation must be expected to receive correspondingly intense criticism.
Best regards
Leonard Kaminski
So I can now boast that I have been officially declared an anti-Semite by the German federal government. One could simply dismiss this – what does the German federal government, including its “anti-Semitism commissioner”, understand about anti-Semitism? But then the verdict is left hanging in the air: the German ruling institution has deemed the Jew Moshe Zuckermann to be an anti-Semite. Not that I can do anything about it, but I still think some things to clarify or clarify are appropriate. So here are some notes on the farce.
Fear of accusations of anti-Semitism or mandatory solidarity with Israel?
I don’t want to say a word about the DIG here. It is primarily (and has been for years) an offshoot of the Israeli Hasbara (propaganda), although it believes itself to be responsible “for promoting bilateral relations between Germany and Israel in the areas of civil society, culture and science”. I cannot remember her ever commenting competently on the internal conflicts and discourses in Israel, let alone on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
However, it is important to ask what serious reason the VHS saw for making the inquiry about me to the Ministry of the Interior. Just because the DIG didn’t like planning an event with me? Before the DIG got involved based on its interests (and entirely in the spirit of its propaganda function), the VHS had no problem with me as a speaker. Was anticipatory obedience at work? Or something that is much more symptomatic of the German sensitivities regarding the “bilateral relations between Germany and Israel”: pure fear of the accusation of anti-Semitism, which for a long time now hardly concerns real anti-Semitism in Germany, but rather, if at all, mandatory Israel solidarity, regardless of the question of what kind of Israel one is showing solidarity with.
So let’s go through the answer of the Federal Republic’s anti-Semitism commissioner (or his personal advisor) word for word.
[…] Thank you very much for your inquiry to Commissioner Dr. Klein, on whose behalf I am answering you.
Why the heartfelt thanks? It may be that it is a polite expression. But why does the office actually thank you for making a request within the office’s area of competence? It is reasonable to assume that the representative is grateful for having received confirmation of the rationale of his (ultimately unnecessary) office through the request. Because why is there no federal commissioner for xenophobia, Islamophobia or (comprehensively) racism? The German anti-Semitism neuralgia has to do with the catastrophic history of Germans and Jews in the 20th century (and can still be seen as comprehensible). But is anti-Semitism so acute in today’s Germany that a separate representative is needed to combat it? Or is there something else underlying it? More about that in a moment.
Judaism, Zionism and Israel are three different categories
Moshe Zuckermann is indeed highly controversial because of his positions on Israel .
Being controversial can be a credit to you. The question, however, is: controversial with whom? The answer to this is already contained indirectly in the sentence quoted: It is my positions on Israel , not on Jews or Judaism, that make me controversial among friends of Israel. Now I am an Israeli citizen and, like every responsible citizen, I have not only the right but also the civic duty to take a position towards the state in which I live. If necessary, this includes critical positions that may not be acceptable to the DIG or the anti-Semitism commissioner.
But what this has to do with anti-Semitism is incomprehensible. Because the Federal Commissioner and his personal advisor should finally understand that Judaism, Zionism and Israel are three different categories that can be linked together (for ideological reasons), but do not have to be ; Accordingly, it follows that anti-Semitism, anti-Zionism and criticism of Israel must be kept apart. Remember that not all Jews are Zionists, not all Zionists are Israelis, and not all Israelis are Jews. But those who use such polemical defamation (as Leonard Kaminski does) apparently do not even think that one can be anti-Zionist without anti-Semitism and critical of Israel without anti-Zionism; yes, that one can even be a supporter of Israel and Zionism, but at the same time be anti-Semitic. It becomes particularly bad when, in this context, non-Jews accuse Jews of anti-Semitism, and certain Jews have no other choice than to resort to the perfidiousness of accusing Jews critical of Israel (even Jewish Israelis) of “Jewish self-hatred.” By the way, this is a well-known tactic of the Israeli Hasbara.
Specifically, for example, he was invited as a speaker to an event organized by BDS in 2022.
I attended a conference in 2022. BDS was not discussed in it, and in any case I did not speak on this topic at that conference. Guilty by association? Is Kaminski serious? Is that all he has to say? I am not thinking of providing “evidence” here that not only do I not support BDS, but I have also questioned its political effectiveness in writing. I definitely don’t want to honor Kaminski and his ideological foster father Klein. But if that is the level of research carried out by the Federal Commissioner’s personal advisor, then one can only answer: The content of the accusation against me is fictitious and a lie. Of course, I myself have been boycotting products from Jewish settlers in the occupied West Bank for over forty years.
He also holds the view that there is fundamentally apartheid against non-Jews in Israel.
Incorrect! I am of the opinion that Israel is practicing apartheid in the occupied areas of the West Bank. Prove to me that this is not the case. Israel has two justice systems – one for citizens of the Israeli state and a system of military justice in the occupied territories. Apartheid! There are plenty of separate roads for Jews and Palestinians in the West Bank. Apartheid! This is particularly blatantly the case in Hebron (Sigmar Gabriel himself said this after a visit to the city, before he had to backtrack due to political pressure).
I could now make a long list of terrible apartheid measures against the Palestinians in the occupied territories. But why? Klein, Kaminski and the DIG know a priori that there is and cannot be apartheid in Israel/Palestine. And what that means “apartheid against non-Jews” will still have to be explained to me. However, it can be claimed that the Arabs living in Israel are disadvantaged and discriminated against as second-class citizens without being accused of anti-Semitism. But how should Klein and Kaminski, who work in Berlin, know that?
How nice! The Israeli government could not have done the ideologically indoctrinated German solidarity with Israel a greater favor when it pushed for this paragraph to be included in the IHRA definition. I myself adhere to the Jerusalem Declaration on Anti-Semitism (which I myself co-signed). This opposes the postulate of “Israel-related anti-Semitism”, the questionable conceptual, theoretical and historical basis of which I have already indicated above.
The federal government is entitled to commit itself to the IHRA definition, even though it inevitably gets caught up in contradictions. But under no circumstances should it presume to use this precarious definition as a weapon to combat anti-Semitism. Because not only does it not combat the real anti-Semitism in society, it also results in the outrageous nonsense that Klein & Kaminski formulated against me.
Now there is no ban on inviting such controversial people. At the same time, democratic exchange also means that such an invitation must be expected to receive correspondingly intense criticism.
How nice that there is no ban on “inviting such controversial people”. Truly, one can only be grateful in the face of such generosity. But if “such an invitation must also be expected to receive correspondingly intense criticism,” then the question arises, where exactly does the “intense criticism” end and the political harassment begin? Are room bans included? And can one also take this opportunity to claim that this is not a question of democratic exchange, but of political persecution?
It would be desirable for the “intensive criticism” to finally become aware of what has been going on in Israel in recent years, especially last year and currently. And it would be time for it to take a position on the barbarism of the Israeli occupation, which has been carried out by Israel for over half a century and which has violated international law. Because if DIG, Felix Klein and Leonard Kaminski is all that the much-vaunted German “reappraisal of the past” has achieved, then things are in extremely poor shape for them.
Why Moshe Zuckermann was labeled an anti-Semite by the federal government
Overton Magazine
Mar 20, 2024Before an event with Moshe Zuckermann, the VHS Heilbronn asked the Federal Government Commissioner for Jewish Life in Germany about a tip from the German-Jewish Society and, after receiving the answer, quit as the organizer because it was threatened that “correspondingly intense criticism was expected” must be. Zuckermann is “highly controversial” because of his position on Israel, once spoke at a BDS event and would claim that there is “fundamentally apartheid against non-Jews” in Israel. According to the IHRA definition adopted by Germany, this must be considered “anti-Semitic”.Zuckermann: “I am the son of Holocaust survivors, my parents were Auschwitz survivors, and then I have to let some German officials tell me that I am an anti-Semite because I criticize the country in which I live and, as a citizen of this country, I am also one I have a civil responsibility to criticize this country. For example, the 50-year-old, dehumanizing occupation regime that has existed in violation of international law is worthy of criticism. Every decent person has to become critical of this because a whole other people is being harassed. The mere fact that I take this out as a responsible citizen “Doing this here is seen by the Germans as an indication that I must be an anti-Semite.”For him, why people take such action against Jews who are critical of Israel, especially in Germany, is of course linked to German history and “latent anti-Semitism”:”I really have to pull myself together when I say the following: I criticized Martin Walser very severely at the end of the 1990s for talking about the Auschwitz club. I’m now wondering whether my criticism of Walser back then was really so justified. Whatever reasons may have motivated him, it has now actually become the case that you can ignore anyone in Germany with this. You are simply afraid. Why did the adult education center back down, even though they originally wanted to do the event with me? Because they “I’m afraid of being labeled anti-Semitic. The best way to silence people in Germany today and put a muzzle on them is to say: You’re anti-Semitic. And then it’s up to you how you manipulate them into anti-Semitism.”He has always criticized BDS, but maintains that Israel is an apartheid state in the territories that have been occupied in violation of international law for 50 years: “Although Israel controls both the West Bank and the heartland of Israel, there are two justice systems. That is the civil justice system in Israel and the other is the military justice system in the West Bank. There you go, two justice systems. That’s what you call apartheid.” The civil justice system applies to the settlers in the West Bank because they are citizens of Israel.
Expert Opinion by M. Zuckerman on the Right to Boycott
I am emeritus professor at the Cohn Institute for the History and Philosophy of Science and Ideas at Tel Aviv University, Israel. I have taught history and philosophy of the humanities, social sciences and cultural sciences, including German history of the humanities, at this institute. Among other things, I have published on German-Jewish history, on Zionism and antisemitism, and have lectured and written extensively on antisemitism and the public debate on Israel and its politics in Germany.
Mr. Ahmed Abed asked me to prepare an expert opinion on a case he is currently representing against the City of Bonn. I would like to emphasize and explain three things with this expert opinion: (1) that the decision “There is no place in Bonn for the anti-Semitic BDS movement” taken by the City of Bonn on 14.5.2019 incorrectly equates legitimate criticism of the Israeli government with antisemitism; (2) that BDS is a non-violent movement that protests against human rights violations in Israel/Palestine and has expressed its strong opposition to “all forms of racism, including antisemitism”; (3) that the application of the Decision has an adverse effect on the legitimate and urgent debate on violations of human rights and international law in Israel/Palestine, thus disregarding and undermining the right to freedom of expression as formulated in Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, which guarantees “the reception and dissemination of information and ideas without interference by public authorities and regardless of frontiers”.”
Prof. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, a professor of Criminology at the Hebrew University Law Faculty, caused a stir. Throughout the years, IAM reported on her anti-Israel publications and activities numerous times. Shalhoub-Kevorkian is an Israeli-Christian Arab born in Haifa, married an Armenian, and moved to the Armenian Quarter in Jerusalem. Recently, she was interviewed for the Makdisi Street podcast on Mar 9, 2024. A podcast co-hosted by Palestinians Saree Makdisi, Ussama Makdisi, and Karim Makdisi, whose maternal great-uncle was the renowned author Edward Said. According to the Podcast, “The brothers talk with Dr. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian about life under occupation in East Jerusalem, the scattering and reconstitution of Palestinian bodies and Palestine itself, and the affirmation of life and love that lie at the heart of the Palestinian struggle for freedom.”
In her interview Shalhoub-Kevorkian said, (1:17:10) “yes it’s time to abolish Zionism, this is where I’m going today, just abolish Zionism. Well, it can’t continue, it cannot, it’s criminal, it’s criminal. Only by abolishing Zionism, we can continue, this is what I see.”
(1:18:29) “I read it as shaming the state of Israel because they’re using women’s bodies, women’s sexuality and women’s intimate life to play with it in political terms, now if rapes, abuses, sexual abuses, gang rapes it always happened in war times.”
(1:20:43) “we don’t see women coming out and saying what happened, so women’s bodies are being used as political weapons, if it happens not in my my name, if it didn’t happen, it’s shame on the state to use women’s bodies and sexuality to promote political agendas to promote further dispossession of land to promote further killing, to promote abuse and rape and you know keep in mind that the rapability of the Palestinians based on the Zionist agenda, is hard at work hard at work in so many ways and I’ve, again, have written about that and the State Crime that is sexualized and gender right is there, so we need to, we need to, number one, remember this is a very dishonest to come to say the the state, they will use everything to further kill, it’s a killing machine and it’s a necro, political regime that can survive only on the erasure of Palestinians and only when they will stop this and they will acknowledge what they’re doing we can start talking, like, but not to criminals, criminals should be punished.”
(1:22:07) “when I look at the pictures at the photos of soldiers today getting into Palestinian homes using the laundry, playing with it using and laughing and putting it on tanks and putting it on rifles, what is it, what is this if it’s not sexual abuse? when you see the way they’re treating men undressing them keeping them with nothing, using that, what is it if it’s not sexual abuse?… the body of the Palestinian, the living body, the dead body, the cut to pieces body, are all capital in the hands of this Zionist entity and of course they will use any lie, they started with babies, they continued with rape, they will continue with million other lies, every day with another story, we stopped believing them. I hope that the world will stop believing them and if things like this happened, not in my name, I will never approve it.”
The interview angered many Israeli audiences, and MK Sharren Haskel wrote in protest. The Hebrew University posted a statement reacting to Prof. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian’s interview. It says, “The Hebrew University rejects with disgust all of Prof. Kevorkian’s distorted statements. The Hebrew University is proud to be an Israeli, public and Zionist institution. As in the past, the heads of the University repeated their call for Prof. Kevorkian to find another academic home that matches her position. At this point, the University has decided to suspend her from teaching in order to maintain a safe climate on campus for the benefit of our students.”
In response, a letter protesting the decision of the Hebrew University administration was signed by 90 staff members. It said, “We strongly disapprove of Prof. Shalhoub-Kevorkian’s words in an interview published on the Internet, and some of us even participated in a letter condemning her similar words in a petition she initiated, near the beginning of the war. On the other hand, we believed then and today that the only permissible response to these things is to condemn and reject them… the decision of the administration and the deans suffers from three main issues: first, in terms of authority, a decision on the suspension, permanent or temporary, of a faculty member is possible only after a complaint has been submitted to a disciplinary committee and it is submitted to the head of the Faculty Disciplinary Court or the Commissioner for the Prevention of Sexual Harassment, only after the faculty member has been given the right to argue and while respecting the right to appeal. Second, from a substantive point of view, we believe there is no incitement to violence, terrorism, or racism, in what Prof. Shalhoub-Kevorkian said in the interview, and there is no danger from them… Third, the reaction of the administration of the University could seriously harm the status of the University and may intensify the calls for an international academic boycott of it… In light of all this, we call on the University administration to cancel the decision, given without authority, regarding the suspension of Prof. Shalhoub-Kevorkian from teaching. The administration must act by the provisions of the disciplinary regulations if it believes that there is a suspicion that some disciplinary offense has been committed.”
Another angry response came from Professor Yuri Pines, who, in protest, resigned from his position as the Director of the Confucius Center at the University. His response was posted by Academia for Equality (A4E). He wrote, “Asher and Tamir Shalom, I was amazed to discover – unfortunately, indirectly and without a statement on your part – the despicable content of the letter you wrote to MK Sharren Haskel. I never thought that the Hebrew University was a Zionist institution: I saw it as an academic institution where Zionists, non-Zionists, and also people who oppose Zionism like myself can work. I also thought that the Hebrew University is led by people who are wise enough to understand that the issue of whether Israel is committing genocide in Gaza or just ‘normal’ war crimes belongs precisely to the area where lecturers and students can express themselves freely. I have never heard of a lecturer being suspended, whatever his/her political positions may be. And I never knew there was a political position test that we are obliged to take in order teach in the university. It seems that I was wrong in my assessments of the university and its leaders, and I must take responsibility. I hereby announce that from now on I refuse to do any work at the university that involves its representation in Israel or abroad. Therefore, I am ceasing my work as director of the Confucius Institute and will not accept any position in the future. I will inform my close colleagues of this decision. You have really disgraced the institution. I have never felt so betrayed and humiliated.” Worth noting that Prof. Neve Gordon translated the letter.
When A4E was confronted for supporting Shalhoub-Kevorkian, it responded that accusations against Shalhoub-Kevorkian were lies. A4E claimed it brought the “exact” wording where Shalhoub-Kevorkian said: “My reaction to the stories on October 7th were horrified. I was talking to all my friends saying, not in my name. I will never allow anybody to touch a baby, to kidnap a child, to rape a woman. This is not in my name and I will never accept it as a Palestinian because all our lives, we fought for the dignity, for life, for the wholeness of a human and not the opposite. So not in my name and nobody can do it in my name. Yeah, but the production of those stories, to produce fear, to fear us more, to kill us more, to reach a space where by not only killability, overkillability, it’s not enough to kill you.” That was… This is something that I’ve written about and in my book on un-childing, it opens up the chapter on the Nakka area. Abuses and sexual abuse happened and it shouldn’t happen. And I will never approve it, not to Israelis nor to Palestinians, and not in my name. The reports sometimes can get testimonies, some other times cannot get testimonies. The issue is that is Israel allowing proper collection of evidence? Plus, you know, personally, as a feminist, I do not… I don’t go and interrogate the rape victims. If a woman said she was raped, I will believe her.”
As can be seen, A4E cherry-picked Shalhoub-Kevorkian’s wording to clear her from accusations. But, IAM summarized what Shalhoub-Kevorkian actually said, “yes it’s time to abolish Zionism, this is where I’m going today, just abolish Zionism. Well, it can’t continue… it’s criminal. Only by abolishing Zionism we can continue.” And that, “the state of Israel is using women’s bodies to play with in political terms… we don’t see women coming out and saying what happened… it’s shame on the state to use women’s bodies and sexuality to promote political agendas… to promote further dispossession of land to promote further killing, to promote abuse and rape and you know keep in mind that the rapability of the Palestinians based on the Zionist agenda… the state, they will use everything to further kill, it’s a killing machine and it’s a necro, political regime that can survive only on the erasure of Palestinians… soldiers today getting into Palestinian homes using the laundry, playing with it using and laughing and putting it on tanks and putting it on rifles, what is it, what is this if it’s not sexual abuse?… the body of the Palestinian, the living body, the dead body, the cut to pieces body, are all capital in the hands of this Zionist entity and of course they will use any lie, they started with babies, they continued with rape, they will continue with million other lies, every day with another story, we stopped believing them. I hope that the world will stop believing them.”
Shalhoub-Kevorkian was suspended for four days till the end of the semester on March 17, 2024. The question is, would she return to teach in the second semester on May 5, 2024? The Dean of Social Work conditioned her return on acknowledging the brutal nature of the assault by Hamas. He explained that the suspension was not about political views; rather than the fact that she denied Hamas’s behavior that was widely documented and denounced by the United Nations and most of the international human rights community.
A study on academic freedoms published by IAM in 2014, found that Israeli universities are highly tolerant of their faculty’s expressions. Several Hebrew University professors, including Yeshayahu Leibowitz, accused Israel of Nazi-like behavior or used some other unsavory comparisons. Hebrew University and almost all universities are public institutions supported by the taxpayer.
Finally, as a Christian, Shalhoub-Kevorkian must be aware that Christians, other minorities, and women who live under the Islamist rule of Hamas, influenced by Iran, suffer from daily discrimination and persecution. Yet neither she nor any of her colleagues have ever spoken out against this issue.
The reason is, as IAM has repeatedly stated, in the eyes of the radical-leftist academic elites, “Israel can do no right, and the Palestinians can do no wrong.”
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Transcript provided by Youtube
0:00 welcome to a new episode of the Makdisi Street podcast my name is Usama makdisi 0:05 and I’m joined as always by my brothers Saree here hello and Karim hi everybody 0:13 and special thanks to our producer Cena rman who reminds me to tell all our listeners and viewers to Please 0:19 Subscribe and give like and give a five star review uh if and whenever you can 0:25 on whatever platform you’re listening to um or watching this this podast podcast 0:31 we started also I want to remind all our viewers and listeners that we’ve started a patreon recently and we are in fact 0:37 getting it up and running very soon so we it’s up it is up it’s up so we’re encouraging you to sign up um the link 0:43 is in the episode description below uh we have one tier for all the bonus content but you’re welcome to sign up 0:50 for higher tiers if you are so inclined and want to help support this show uh we’re we’re going to plan um on posting 0:57 bonus content um as well as a Q&A which we will um in involve our patreon 1:05 listeners and subscribers very soon um today however I’d like to introduce our 1:12 our main guest we’re joined um by Dr nadir shalhub Koran Dr Nadira is is one 1:21 of the most extremely distinguished uh Palestinian Scholars that I’m aware of of great International standing nadir is 1:29 a a professor and a chair of global law at Queen Mary University she’s at The 1:34 Cutting Edge of a critical work on feminism on public health on trauma as 1:40 they relate to the ongoing Palestinian reality of constant dispossession of 1:46 brutalization of violence uh and yet also she focuses on how Palestinians also continue to resist Israeli 1:54 colonization Nida really is a humanist among the dehumanized a humanist in the face of humanizer her work includes 2:02 dozens of essays and book chapters and articles and several hugely impactful books including the most recent book of 2:09 hers which is entitled incarcerated childhood and the politics of unchild 2:14 that was published by Cambridge University press in 2019 um NAD has received Awards and 2:21 accolades from around the world and in South Africa she told me when I saw her last saw her here at Berkeley she told 2:29 me well the great Nelson Mandela told her in 1999 of an African proverb until 2:35 the Lions have their historians tales of the hunt shall always glorify the Hunter 2:40 and because NAD is a Palestinian lioness or lion working on the Palestinian experience in an extraordinarily 2:46 unflinching and honest manner she has of course been defamed and threatened uh 2:52 mostly by Israeli settlers who encroached on her home in East Jerusalem 2:57 and who always harass her uh so so NAD welcome first and foremost to our 3:03 podcast and to the Mak Street podcast we’re really happy and honored to have you with us 3:09 today thank you thank you AMA thank you s and and Kim as well and we we would 3:16 love to um we would love to just start n obviously with the most basic and 3:21 obvious question how are you how are you holding up in this moment of of 3:27 extraordinary uh evil and genocide and and just tell us how how you are 3:33 please well as you know it’s we’ve never lived in an ongoing 3:40 genocide and it’s it’s hard to wake up in the morning this is what I was trying 3:45 to tell Kim it’s it’s just hard to hold it and check the news because every day 3:52 I’m losing another kid I have interviewed another colleague I have worked with another student who had 3:58 dreams and and um and this constant loss the atrocities the violence the state 4:05 violence and the fact that it’s not acknowledged is very very very heavy on 4:11 my heart and um yeah today was a tough day because of them because I lost 4:18 another close friend of mine you know every day is is is um is lost so it’s 4:25 this from one side you feel that we’ve never lived in such a tough very tough 4:31 situation and uh unfortunately as an academic epistemic violence is hard at 4:37 work as well so it’s not only the actual violence State violence the brutality the lack of acknowledgment of the pain 4:44 of Palestinians but but rather the fact that you go into an academic institution 4:50 and you see epistemic violence the production of of of violence that is that is produced in highly uh recognized 4:58 academic settings and institution this is what also a is 5:04 agonizing and of course being in in occupied East Jerusalem is not an easy thing to do at 5:13 all you know just coming back to be able to participate in this um in in this um 5:20 Gathering of ours was not a joke because the there was an attack of um of Jewish 5:27 settlers on the Armenian uh uh in the Armenian area and all of a sudden I’m 5:32 getting those text messages and whatsapps uh please come please come join us they’re attacking so it’s this 5:40 day-to-day uh living situation that are making life too heavy really too 5:47 heavy so NAD on on that on that and honestly we’re we’re of course deeply 5:52 affected and and and sorry that you have to go through this and live through this and you’ve been living through this you 5:58 know for decades and decades es for our viewers and listeners you live in the Armenian quarter correct in Jerusalem um 6:05 can you tell us a little bit more about what life is like there and how there’s a genocide going on in Gaza and all the 6:11 attention today obviously and understandably is on the the plight of the Palestinians in Gaza but of course 6:17 there are Palestinians in Jerusalem there are Palestinians inside um Palestine there are Palestinians in the 6:23 West Bank can you tell us a little bit about what’s the relationship between the experience you’re going through in 6:29 Jerusalem with what’s going on in Gaza and the West Bank you know I I think 6:35 that one of the ways to look at what goes on is that if they are attacking on one side they do million other things on 6:42 the other side so if they’re killing demolishing bombs starving people 6:48 leaving babies in uh to be decomposed in incubators in Gaza what you see in 6:54 Jerusalem or in the West Bank is is surveillance is H militarization is 7:01 militarization of schools is demolitions like two three days ago I woke up like opening my my my Instagram or my my 7:09 Facebook and all of a sudden I see my dentist and he’s like telling telling 7:14 everybody they demolished my house they so it’s here just by by my house so to 7:20 see Dr nidal and I know Dr nidal Who work you know building his house bit by 7:27 bit working so hard and all of a sudden the house demolished so what you what is 7:32 happening in every single space whether it’s in hia where they’re arresting an 7:38 artist because she wrote something whether our students in different universities in Palestinian students in 7:44 Israeli universities that cannot open their mouth or say something because it might be considered against the the 7:51 state whether University professors like me who signed a a petition saying stop 7:56 the genocide and calling for ceasefire that that made everybody go you know 8:01 bizarre or or even you know I can tell you that when when was it on on Sunday 8:07 Sunday I I learned about um a child who was 14 years old who was 8:14 shot and killed he he was allegedly accused of stabbing a 8:19 soldier um they managed to shoot him but he was not dead but then a female 8:24 Soldier came Point Blank and shot him and you see in the video his body just jumping 36 kilos 37 kilos a kid and I 8:35 needed to go to the family to see a mother of 34 year old to see his brother 8:41 uh ham and bah and and to listen to his father and the the request is to release 8:49 his dead body from the Israeli refrigerators you understand these are 8:54 issues and then I I I come home and I tell them okay let’s see how how we can 8:59 convince the Israelis we’re talking about a child his unchild did even when he’s dead even in the Israeli freezers 9:07 and the mother is telling me that her hands are very cold because she feels that he is cold and that he is calling 9:14 from the freezers you know like and and think about his classmates think about 9:20 his school friends think about his relative think about everybody and like 9:25 for God’s sake return free his dead body from your freezers so of course I was 9:33 busy with the family I needed to go to to visit them I needed to talk to the 9:38 special reporter Franchesca Alban and write her and tell her uh dear 9:44 Franchesca please you know this is a 14-year-old kid can you please help me 9:49 release him now we know that it’s after Gaza and after October 7th I’ve done 9:54 that before and I was able to pressure the Israelis to release the the the dead 9:59 body of Nasim abumi who was also 14 years old and who our only request was 10:05 to return his body in a Humane Manner and that it’s not very free so that the 10:11 mother can hug and the father can bury properly and in in this case sorry n 10:17 sorry on that point I think many of our readers and listeners in fact I didn’t know this till I talked to you about 10:23 this they won’t know that when the Israelis if you are able to persuade them to release a body they always do it 10:30 in such a way that the body is sped out all still like not we like we always 10:36 imagine a body like in a morg you know with a sheet and stuff like that that’s not how they they return the body bloody 10:41 and muddy and dirty and Frozen and in in contorted and terrible shapes right that’s it’s part of this continuing 10:47 abuse that you’re talking about in in the cases that I dealt with in the cases that and I’m talking about occupied East 10:54 Jerusalem actually in in one case it was in in Nabis where the legs were in 11:00 condition that there was no possibility of burying uh uh the Martyr in in one 11:08 case that I personally was following up and dealt with and we were seven months in the courts trying to convince the 11:14 court to release the body of Hassam manasan and Hassan was 15 years old uh 11:20 when they released the body the father could not handle what he’ve seen I’ve 11:25 written about it I have an article called persistent faces because the father came back telling me yeah you 11:34 know do his mouth was open he was talking maybe they closed the black bag 11:42 while he was still alive his eyes were tearing he was crying maybe and then the feeling of the 11:49 father that there’s something he failed in protecting his child even his in his 11:55 death and after seven months of struggling with the Israeli police and Court to release the body of Hassan Abu 12:02 Brahim his father came to because they asked the father to recognize the body 12:08 and of course after putting million conditions only 23 or 33 people and you 12:14 can’t have your phones you can’t have this you can’t have that until we manage to reach there he goes into the 12:20 ambulance to see the body and he sees Hassan’s face in a way that he could 12:26 not take him and he said no this is not my son and he returned the body back now 12:33 according to Islam if you want to respect the dead 12:38 you need to bury them so everybody was upset at the father how dare you return 12:44 the body after soone like you need to respect your son but then when talking 12:49 to the father and listening to his narration and his narrative is what usually my compass is people’s 12:57 narratives I don’t look at laws I don’t look at this is as a person who works in the criminalities of the states and 13:04 basically in criminalities in spaces of death this is where you see that the the 13:11 the pinology the punishment is not only of the living the punishment is of the 13:17 dead so in the case in the last case last two days ago three days ago you 13:24 know talking to the parents and and asking this is why I asked Franchesca Alania who’s a un reporter for the 13:32 occupied the Palestinian territories can you please help me release V’s body 13:37 because his parents are requesting this and because they need to give him the proper barrier because this is a child 13:45 and a child that is dead in the freezers there’s no need and this I call it in my 13:51 writing necrology it’s penalizing the dead but it’s actually penalizing the family 13:59 penalizing his classmates and it’s it’s increasing the this feeling of so of of 14:06 of being oppressed and dominated so this is Jerusalem while in Gaza you see 14:12 genocide you here see what I call in my writing it’s the attack from all sides 14:19 it’s the attack even over the dead body of of of and mind you is the third 14:29 in one family their cousins his was his cousin Ahmed was a month before was shot 14:36 and killed and now vadia 14y old so you wonder how much a family can handle and 14:44 I went to the family I was looking at the faces and I’m I know those faces every funeral I end up seeing the same 14:53 faces so this is Jerusalem Jerusalem is is packed with with agonies and 15:01 it’s I don’t know how to put it but it’s it’s on so many levels you know you you 15:08 just shared with the with the people that I live in The Old City I live in the old city in the Armenian quarter I 15:14 live in Armenian quarter of course the name the the name of my street was changed it 15:21 was so now it’s kabad street so of course everything is being changed but 15:27 again if when I go to get my grocery from the old city uh talking to shop 15:35 owners that’s another painful very painful story yeah I can tell you one 15:42 story that was it two two and a half weeks ago 15:47 when the neighbor was telling me uh I need to talk to you about something come 15:54 come let’s talk of course they know that um I I I write I deal I live I I I I 16:02 observe I’m constantly talking to the shop owners and and he he we sat in 16:09 those short um chairs you know in the old city and he said I need to tell you 16:16 something I didn’t tell my kids tell me and he’s like he couldn’t 16:23 speak he started crying and then he shared with me the fact that some 16:30 settlers uh in in the morning hours while he came to open his his shop they 16:37 pushed him down and they peed on his 16:43 beard now you’re talking to a man who’s 65 70 years 16:49 old um and you know telling me a 16:56 woman that tried to about violence sexual violence but to see three 17:05 settlers peeing on an old man in The Old City on his beard is very very very 17:13 painful so this is what’s happening in Jerusalem so between Dr Nidan my dentist 17:18 that his house that he ended up actually demolishing his house in his own hands 17:23 because if the Israelis will demolish his house he would he must pay the money 17:29 for the police that is coming the soldiers that are participating their breakfast of course and the bulldozers 17:34 that are bulldozing the house yeah and and and and uh my neighbor the shop 17:41 owner with with the agonies and with the cries of an old man Abu Hassan with 17:46 Hassan’s dead body and now Abu and IM that are hoping and waiting and I’m I’m 17:52 I’m running around asking how can we how can we handle so it’s heavy it’s heavy 17:58 Jerusalem is about judaization is about getting us out of the place it’s about 18:05 not to see Palestinians the formula is the less Palestinians the better so this 18:10 is what you see in everything they’re doing it’s taking over land like in the Armenian quarter and and and claiming 18:19 it’s their so they they call it developing they call it developers or 18:24 investors these are settlers it’s settler settler col colal and settler 18:30 colonialism was done by law so they’re using the law so in demolishing the 18:35 house it’s the law in in in taking over the land it’s the law in withholding 18:40 dead bodies it’s the law so it’s heavy it’s heavy and this is Jerusalem n one of the I mean this is 18:50 incredibly disturbing for all of us to hear of course but one of the one of the Striking things about the Israeli 18:57 settler Colonial project of course now you know most of the world’s attention is you know rightly on Gaza because the 19:02 scale there is so enormous right but what you’re telling us reminds us that 19:09 it’s when we’re talking about the Israeli state and its appendages like the you know the settlers and so on it’s 19:16 what we’re dealing with is a kind of full spectrum full spectrum I mean like from the large scale to the tiny tiny 19:22 tiny like the story of these horrible people urinating on a man’s beard for example like that’s so it I mean 19:29 obviously it’s horrible but it’s in it’s so and they have such attention to the smallest details of malice and and evil 19:37 and then of course the large scale you know bomb killing a 100 people at a time in a single bomb in Gaza and that sort 19:42 of thing this I don’t think I mean I could be wrong I’m sitting near a historian here but I don’t think that 19:48 there has ever been in history a project of systematic evil on that that’s that’s 19:56 that encompasses everything from the large L scale I mean there have been many genocides unfortunately in the past 20:01 genocide in and of itself is not unique dispossession Colonial dispossession ethnic cleansing they’ve happened before 20:08 but that there’s something about the Israeli project that runs the Spectrum from huge scale down to these tiny tiny 20:16 tiny tiny I mean obviously for the people concerned they’re not tiny but but on on a human scale they’re tiny you 20:23 know like this thing about the children’s bodies or the the individual 20:28 uh the the indiv like that the person has to destroy his own house to save the the shekels that otherwise the state 20:34 would charge him for for demolition uh the the the the per down to the personal 20:40 level of you know you walking down the street I’ve heard you tell me stories about your life in East Jerusalem at a 20:46 very very micrologic personal level so the Israeli assault on Palestinian life 20:52 runs this spectrum from the minuscule to the large scale and that’s part of what 20:57 makes makes it this unprecedented evil that I don’t think that there’s any other I mean I can’t I don’t know 21:03 another example uh there’s obviously this human history has has evil but not 21:08 in this kind of way but also also now that we’re also said we’re also in 2024 I mean we’re talking about it’s the 21:14 anachronism of what we’re talking about it’s the shocking levels of anachronism of this colonial project that unfolding 21:21 before our eyes so NAD maybe you could speak to this this this issue and also this question all your writing NAD all 21:28 your experience all the invitations you’ve had around the world and I’m wondering how you know maybe this is 21:34 maybe not even an appropriate question but how do do do you feel that that in 21:39 since you talked about epistemic violence in Academia among people who’ve talked about s colonialism do you feel 21:45 that that there has been a response or I mean I don’t know maybe it just these are different sets of questions one is 21:51 the anachronism and the and the full spectrum of Israeli colonialism and the and the violence that it inflicts on on 21:58 on an extraordinary level and on a micro level constantly there’s the question of anachronism and then there’s a question 22:04 of these are several questions so choose what you want the question of how do you feel you know all the academic work that 22:12 you’ve done and that we’ve done especially you’ve done do you feel that it it it it has made a that people 22:18 actually understand this level of of of extraordinary violence and and what has the response been to you and and that 22:25 you’ve seen these are different questions I’m sorry but what you’re saying is so haunting honestly 22:31 NAD you you know what at this point I don’t see that the Israeli 22:38 Society is seeing us let me start there you know I’m I’m really I’m sharing th 22:45 those day-to-day experiences to point that the mundane violence is very 22:53 important yes we probably do not count and maybe you know we need to be dead 22:59 bodies but not even dead bodies because we’re still not counting as dead bodies 23:05 because what is still in the in the in their Israeli freezers yeah but the 23:10 mundan violence is what I’m pointing to and it’s in the everydayness where I 23:17 start where I work where I write yeah it’s the the the kids that are on their 23:22 way to school that are being harassed yeah where boys are stopped and served 23:28 and all of a sudden they’re asking them to take off their socks because then the rifle can be exactly in a penetrat 23:34 manner in a rapable manner so you see those scenes every morning and you wonder do you think that the kids are 23:41 not comprehending it’s about power it’s about we are here and and you need to 23:48 evaporate somehow so the inhalation in Gaza is is hard at work and they don’t 23:55 care they don’t care the every time listen just look at us when we were 24:00 watching Gaza in every single aspect of watching Gaza uh we were saying okay they will 24:07 stop there is no way you know it’s too much like in in October I lost a a a 24:13 friend with her three kids on in October 17th I woke up with this scene of the 24:21 father holding the bags plastic bags screaming to everybody in Gaza yanas y 24:28 hadu these are my kids his kids dead bodies were in the plastic I 24:35 was sure the world would stand and would say no we won’t allow it to continue 24:42 that was in October 17th and today we’re in March and it 24:49 continues and more atrocities so number one a as a person who looks at the 24:55 Mandan and I think it’s very important to look what what is happening what is happening to pregnant women what is 25:01 happening to babies what is happening to men the undressing the humiliation you 25:07 know the new report that came yesterday of of of sexually abusing men and it’s 25:13 by the UN yes in in Gaza these are things that we need to look at and to 25:19 wonder really and I agree with Stud to wonder which settler Colonial entity 25:24 that the issue is maybe it happened but today everything is on 25:30 camera everything is seeing everybody is seeing everybody is 25:36 noticing things and and uh what I believe is that there are two 25:43 main factors in looking at what is going on because once we said it’s the biopolitics okay so it’s about uh uh 25:51 it’s about judaizing all Palestine okay then we said it’s demography there a 25:57 frayed from us because we’re a demographic threat then you know my work in 2014 my book on security theology 26:04 surveillance and the politics of fear I said you know it’s fear it’s the effect 26:10 of of of the history of the sists that are here it’s the security and security 26:17 became a theology but it’s if you add this security theology with the 26:23 sacralized politics which is God gave them the land and then the amount of 26:30 violence today I’m not there or here I’m not with you I say yes there is security 26:36 theology there is sacralized part but there’s another point that is really uh capturing me I feel that and I see as as 26:46 a as a as a criminologist that we are ontologically non being the story is not 26:54 only it’s not only about you know know human humanity and human rights no no no 27:02 all the world is seeing what is happening to Palestinians but ontologically we are nonone being there 27:09 is no other way to accept life for mothers for for men for there’s no way 27:16 every Power has a counterpower people will continue resisting Palestinians are 27:21 resisting in every way in every way they were incarcerated and with the with the 27:28 spoon they managed to get out of the prison yeah people it’s not this is the 27:33 normal like think in Psycho analytical terms think in criminological terms 27:39 think in any sociological Theory every Power has a counter power yeah but what 27:46 we are seeing and this is the father with the two plastic bags what was he saying he was telling the world when 27:53 he’s saying hadu he is really claiming what was 28:00 ontologically not claimed as a being this is how I see it I see it that there 28:06 is a major major failure in in the world 28:12 way in the world’s way of of looking at this is why if you’ll ask me where I’m 28:17 standing today and it might sound crazy to to some of you but I’m writing about 28:23 ashl I’m writing about body bags body parts because in in the history of 28:30 slavery you see Scholars writing about the flesh yeah or you you see the work 28:37 of HZ Piller in in her article Baba’s Mayes Papa’s may you see the work of 28:43 wahas when he’s talking about Happ viscos you see you see the work of of of 28:49 last book of um uh Jackson Zakia Jackson 28:55 but in Palestine it’s not good enough for me it’s somehow 29:01 Fon wrote about the flesh today I feel it’s the ASL it’s the scattered body 29:07 parts it’s the really I am I am there because I’m I am starting from that gam 29:15 father’s voice and his kids as yeah in the plastic bags those scattered body 29:21 pieces in those sides of the intimate love to his children that became dead 29:27 pieces of Flesh the overkilled by the settler States Machinery of this 29:33 possession and that is continuing and as a Palestinian feminist that is theorizing ashla I I’m 29:40 I’m really looking at this moment with this ongoing 29:45 genocide I can’t think but through the Palestinian gathered bagged scattered 29:53 unfounded ashl because ashl is untranslatable yeah in English but it’s 29:59 it’s those where the cut dead bodies means securitized and sacralized 30:06 Necessities to Israel according to them according to their logic according to their policies according to their 30:13 imaginaries where dead Palestinian bodies are like scattered in the Wind on 30:20 the ruins of demolished flattened Gaza and and it’s this ashla 30:27 uh to me is where I’m I’m this is where you know the the the massacre the flower 30:34 Massacre where pal over pales 100 Palestinian were killed yes 750 were 30:41 injured and then collected reassembled the the ashl by their by 30:47 their loved ones this is why you know when I think about it and I I I feel I 30:52 argue today that Ash the the scatter the cut body part indexes patterns of 31:01 colonial atrocities policies genocide that is refusing to accept the humanity 31:09 ontologically of the Palestinian yeah because because when the father is 31:15 saying hadu yeah he is he is reclaiming his 31:22 fatherhood uh although as in plastic bags but he’s maintaining 31:28 the non orphaning condition of his of his kids you know I’ve seen it I’ve seen 31:33 it m and Dr hanin also shared uh that her 31:39 father her uncle her cousins other members of her family were were hit by a 31:45 rocket and they were turned AA and then she said you know I heard dogs I heard 31:51 cats eating my family members and I was running after cats and dogs to collect 31:57 the ash to bury them to dignify the family so what I see today in in 32:04 Palestine I see that ontologically we’re not counted we’re not we’re n 32:12 being epistemic violence is clear in media in politicians in academic writing 32:22 and I’m here like what can I tell you this is what I’m writing about 32:27 I’m writing about Ash I’m thinking about Ash I woke up in 32:33 the morning and this is what I think about I’m always worried that another 32:39 loved ones and I see the Defiance of Palestinians you know um um Samar is seven years old her 32:51 father shared a video of her she was holding her cat 32:57 and she was talking to her cat telling her 33:03 cat don’t you even dare eating me after I die is AED if I’ll die 33:13 don’t eat my flesh you understand what I see here 33:18 what I see is that the entire world failed Sumer so she’s talking maybe her 33:24 bissy her cat maybe she will hear her because the 33:30 world is not hearing Palestinian voices not in Jerusalem for years I’m writing and I’m 33:37 asking and I’m telling people come see what’s happening not in the West Bank 33:42 look what’s going on in Janine look what’s going on in Hebron and definitely 33:47 with the genocide in Gaza with the amount of killing with the annihilation 33:54 with the starvation 34:00 n i mean this this is uh it’s it’s incredible you know to hear this and it’s very it’s 34:06 emotional um but I wanted to ask you know on on you you were talking about 34:11 the babies and the and all these dead babies uh the these images that I remember seeing the image of the I think 34:18 it was a five Monon old baby that they the Jerusalem Post or somebody made a whole thing about this was fake it was a 34:25 doll uh if you remember that and then on the other hand there was the case of the 34:31 the the so-called beheaded babies on October 7th that made it all the way to Biden’s speech and to all the American 34:38 Press and everything and so you have these very Stark things you know all these babies and children being killed 34:44 by the hundreds and by the thousands and the image came as oh no this is this is a fake doll that wasn’t even true and so 34:50 therefore I me obviously as you’re saying kind of negating not just I mean the the the very life and the idea that 34:58 these parents were holding this baby and the grandparents were holding this baby uh because I think the parents were 35:03 killed as well uh their their grief or or whatever it is that they’re feeling also gets negated in that but on the 35:09 other hand it goes all the way up even after it was proven to be fake this business of the beheaded babies it goes 35:15 all the way up to the president not once but more than once and and in his speech of the 100 days uh you know you you’ve 35:23 talked about obviously your thing about unch childing can can you explain expl that a bit more to to our to our 35:29 listeners and and and these the way in which these two babies have been 35:34 represented well let me let me start by the production of stories to justify 35:41 violence number one they don’t need to just to to produce stories but they needed in this case to produce more 35:48 stories of horror to to frame Palestinians as those you know Savages 35:54 and and don’t misunderstand me anybody you know my reaction to the stories on 36:00 on October 7th were horrify I just I was talking to all my friends saying not in 36:06 my name I will never allow anybody to touch a baby to touch to kidnap a child 36:11 to rape a woman this is not in my name and I will never accept it as as a as a 36:17 Palestinian because all our lives we fought for the dignity for life for for 36:24 for the the wholeness of of a human and not the opposite so not in my name and 36:29 nobody can do it in my name yeah but uh the production of those stories to 36:36 produce fear to fear us more to kill us more to to reach a space whereby Not 36:43 only kabil over 36:55 killabilly of soldiers today today there was a post by a soldier you know you you feel so you ask 37:04 yourself what is going on what is going on like the way they 37:10 talk about Palestinians they said it Human animals 37:15 flat in Gaza they said it they said it openly and Lies Over Lies We I don’t 37:21 believe any of them I do not it’s very clear that they’re lying yeah it it it 37:28 just it just feels so painful that no matter what we say you can produce 37:34 whatever you want in terms of evidence proofs documentations and of course what 37:40 goes on today in Gaza is destroying all the evidence is to destroy it but you know 37:47 since 1948 they were destroying everything I I grew up in hia I was born 37:52 in haa and every time we passed by the graveyard of my my TAA my grandma there 37:59 was a building and my dad always told me Baba remember this is where your grandma 38:04 is buried the fact that there is a big building and all of a sudden it’s a nice area doesn’t mean that she doesn’t exist 38:11 so it’s over our dead bodies yeah but but you know in in the 38:18 case of babies of course all the world will will listen to the to the Zionist entity and Zionism was done in VI with 38:27 violence yeah it was it was it was the the the this 38:33 Euro you know um it’s it’s this Western violent that came here and all of a 38:40 sudden is destroying everything because we really we lived together we had 38:45 neighbor Bears Baba and Mama my my mom and dad you know and and so on Jews 38:52 Muslims Christians they were they were together it’s not a problem of of the 38:57 the indigenous Jews here it’s the problem of the Europeans that came with the Zionist uh project that is so 39:04 violent that this settler Colonial that is about the Eraser and the logic is 39:10 totally different it’s about judaizing everything and all of a sudden the Bible is the answer and mind you you know 39:17 they’re um they’re secular but God gave them the land yeah which is nothing has 39:23 to make sense nothing so so babies are used and the the issue what I’m saying 39:31 in unch childing number one unchild came from the voices of Palestinians that 39:37 kept on saying what our kids are not kids so there is what what I’m what I’m 39:43 saying in in my work as a critical childhood studies scholar is that 39:48 children are a capital in the hands of the States you know in international relation there’s a scholar that writes 39:55 who’s Afraid from children Helen brookers who’s Afraid from children yes they are afraid from our 40:02 children because our children are the future are the power are the love are the source of joy to to us you know I’m 40:09 I’m a mama and I’m a grandma they’re they’re everything they’re the apple of my eyes my kids and listen I will fight 40:15 everybody if someone will come that close to my kids it’s so normal no so so 40:21 the childhood is a capital in the hands of the state and unch childing 40:27 is is like turning them into nobody’s again again the element of ontology and 40:33 unch childing is really aligned with this Opera with with and operated along 40:39 this Twisted logic of necropolitics whereby the present and historical 40:45 realities of who had died in the past who gets to live in the present who is 40:51 left to die now is is exactly where I go so unch childing sheds the light on on 40:58 the effect of racial violence against the Palestinian of settler colonialism 41:03 against the Palestinian and of course on the intimate lives of children and what 41:09 I say in my work on unch childing and look at how when it came to their kids 41:16 they are hyper 41:25 visibilization you see that unch childing is operated profoundly through 41:30 the disruption of the global perception of childhood and of the intimate here 41:37 that is embodied in a biopolitics and it’s so much visceral as 41:44 well as Global as we see it because there is silence there is negligence 41:49 there is lack of intervention there’s an inaction to the unchild so you have the 41:55 wounding that everybody can see it you know if you talk to uh to my colleague 42:01 and friend dran abti from Gaza and we work together because I interviewed the 42:06 kids that participated in the march of return and Gan operated on them yeah now 42:12 if you talk to him now he explains clearly that a child who’s wounded today 42:18 with like an imputation he needs 12 operations to be able to function as an 42:23 adult do you understand we’re talking about 37 kids with imputations in Gaza 42:29 today and these are the counted let alone other kind of 37,000 do you mean 42:35 37,000 yeah yeah yeah so so 12 operations who would be able to fund 42:41 those operations who will be able to fund those operations so you you ask 42:47 those questions and you wonder you know I’m I’m really I’m telling you this is why I’m in the ashl 42:54 I feel that we as Palestinians and as a Palestinian feminist today when I see 43:01 the humiliation and the IM masculation of men in in in Gaza putting them all in 43:09 tracks the and you know today today Bennett was interviewed and he said oh we interrogated 3,000 men and they’re 43:16 still in Gaza we’re not bringing them to you you you hear the amount so they way 43:23 have past Abu and and of course using dogs just listen to the 43:28 testimonies and and using torture and and and causing 43:33 major problems so you wonder where where are we going and where is this world 43:39 going NAD on on that point that what what doesn’t make any sense I mean to to those of us who are outside of Palestine 43:47 is that this catalog of horror that’s documented that that you see and that they talk about openly and yet the 43:54 narrative that is always and K refer to this already with the Biden talking about the beheaded babies and the 43:59 October 7th uh uh Stories the about the babies and so on and so forth what what 44:06 um what always comes out and you have experience of this how how do you respond or how do you deal with the fact 44:13 that they that both Israelis and their supporters in the west constantly refer to themselves as victims in the face of 44:21 this mountain of evidence that you you also experience firsthand and that you document and that you work with I mean 44:27 I’m just just something doesn’t make any sense is it is it and you know you’re also you know how how do we make sense 44:33 of that how do you respond and because you also live and interact with with many of these people is it how do they 44:39 not see what’s going on or is it do they do they not care is it denial is it 44:45 something else I don’t and then we can I want to get to the UN report and K I know wants to ask you about the UN 44:50 report I I have a question too okay okay but so do you see what I’m saying and I mean it’s it’s a catalog of horror that 44:57 is so obvious to any person who has eyes to see and ears to hear and yet the narrative here is that they are the 45:03 victims in fact now actually let me let me add to usama’s question so the flip side of his question in a way so when 45:10 you were describing the horror right and we’ve all seen these atrocious Israeli soldier videos of you know where they’re 45:16 they’re they’re laughing about what they’re doing I mean for them it seems to be a source of amusement that they can we’ve SE like there’s one where 45:23 there they show people urinating on the bodes of dead Palestinians for example right and you had another similar story 45:29 parading women’s under paring the thing with the women’s underwear which there’s a there’s a kind of this clearly but but 45:35 the business with the with the destruction of bodies and this Obsession that the Israelis have with bodies and with as you say holding children’s 45:42 bodies you know long after their dead just just to abuse families there’s 45:47 something and then the business with the ash also I mean part of what’s in a very strange way it’s sort of like we you 45:54 know remember the beginning of fuko’s discipline and punish like we’ve it’s like there’s a there’s a really weird 46:00 18th century mentality there you know the beginning of Fuko where he talks about the the reeside and how he was 46:07 pulled in pieces like there’s this thing about now you’re going to see the power of the king exercised on this body the 46:14 king can pull the body apart the Israelis are doing something else like that but of course it’s with high-tech 46:19 weaponry and we’re no longer in 1745 or whatever we’re in 2024 so there there’s 46:26 there’s a really weird way in which the Israelis seem to be living in a 17th and 46:32 18th century settler Colonial mentality while using high-tech and broadcasting this to the world and then we have 46:38 osama’s question about but the West is sort of mind you it’s the official because I think the popular level of the 46:44 West understands now it’s the but the elite the official level is all about oh we must now see what happened again yet 46:51 another recycled story about October 7th using the same warn out evidence that no 46:56 that has zero credibility at this point also that’s and or Biden saying as Kim said you know I’ve seen the pictures of 47:03 the 40 beheaded babies I you didn’t see anything those there is that there were no such babies and there were no photographs but there’s this incredible 47:10 kind of attention to let’s talk about Israeli suffering and Israeli this and Israeli that whereas this mountain of 47:16 evidence that they themselves are recording on Tik Tok and YouTube and everywhere else showing their exploits 47:23 there’s a kind of it’s like we’re we all feel sort of schizophrenic as we there’s these two different realities that seem 47:30 to be in in commensurate with one another and I yeah just to sorry that’s a rambling question but to go back to 47:35 what AMA was saying too 47:41 um listen these are tough questions but I must tell you this is the ideology 47:47 it’s not I’m I’m I cannot argue with people 47:52 feeling victims I don’t argue with emotions I if you feel afraid if you feel a 47:59 victim if you feel whatever I will respect it 48:04 but there’s a clear policy here number one they 48:10 can they can argue that they’re the victims and they can cause the 48:16 victimization and wounding and killing and continue to to because the global 48:23 Community is allowing them it’s not because only because they’re V victims 48:31 because you know those that are around me uh that are working on victimology 48:37 I’m a victimologist see I started my career as a victimologist but there is a clear 48:45 policy and the policy is mowing the lawn 48:51 flattening judaizing getting rid of the pal 48:57 Palestinians if if in 1948 it was with their politics of look 49:03 listen my two my my Baba and Mama my dad and my mom were defined legally as 49:11 infiltrators my dad was shot and then he came back and then he shot was shot and 49:16 my mom was hiding in in a graveyard and they caught her and they threw her back 49:22 to Southern Lebanon and she managed to come 49:27 back so I don’t know who is the victim here and I’m not fighting over victimization we’re not victims we’re 49:34 not victims and we’re not even survivors we are defying and resisting this this 49:40 regime but there is a clear necro capitalist regime in Zionism and this necro it’s it’s power 49:48 because they can’t punish because they have the power of the world not because they are powerful 49:54 no no not because they are powerful and I think that we have we have seen that 50:00 yeah but you know I I kind of I’m looking at at at the 50:07 situation in Jerusalem in Gaza in in what goes on 50:13 and I see that all you know that that the the the World Acceptance of the 50:20 power of this place is is is is the is what is giving them the power so it is 50:27 the fuk it is what I see again that it’s a necr capitalist settler Colonial 50:35 regime that is utilizing every Power they are getting from different places 50:42 to distort the minds of of of the of the world and of 50:48 the colonized yeah so they’re like always running after us in Million Ways 50:54 and that you know that regime that necro capitalist regime is is you know is is 51:01 giving an impunity and Immunity to the 51:06 colonizer so if you think about the ruins that we’re seeing today in 51:12 Gaza I I I I go to Fanon about the psychic ruins that are common usage in 51:19 colonial violence we’ve seen it all the time you know fenon argued that the 51:25 damage to the person to the psychic to this is and but we he insists on the 51:31 Romans I take it to a new place when I look at the the sist policy I take it to 51:38 a new place why are they that busy with graveyards did you see how many graveyards were destroyed in in Gaza 17 51:45 graveyards in one shot why are they busy in universities all the 51:51 universities why are they shooting and extra judicial killing of Educators do 51:57 you understand what will this do to our society I I was walking today back home 52:04 and asking myself how would I look at myself in 10 years when I’m asking 52:10 myself what was I doing during the genocide what was I doing during the genocide this is where 52:18 I’m I’m I’m I’m I’m thinking that they are the victims that something bad happened in 52:25 October 7th I’m not saying no that it was cruel I’m not saying no 52:31 but what I’m seeing today in Gaza after so many month is not only cruelty is not 52:37 only brutality is not only genocide it’s something that the world is accepting 52:42 and is giving them the power to continue yeah and um it’s mowing the lawn there 52:50 they said it they continue you listen if you if you go to Bennett he had a plan 52:56 and the plan is being um is being used and I don’t know I I don’t know like to 53:03 to think to think about graveyards is to think that this is what they want to see 53:08 in Palestine they want to see ashl and what I see is what we’re doing is 53:16 bringing those ashl Back to Life by talking about it writing about it and 53:22 telling everybody that have that is writing yes in slavery in indigenous 53:29 studies in this we talk about the flesh we theorize about the flesh but 53:35 Palestine and I NAD as a criminologist I’m putting at the center the scattered 53:41 body parts the the the body bags and the dead bodies the burned bodies this is 53:47 the center today and if the world cannot see it I don’t know how how can I keep 53:53 the hope you know really I don’t why NAD sorry to but you you mentioned earlier I 53:59 mean you you were you’ve been talking about power and you know on the one hand you were talking about the very visible 54:06 kind of annihilation the assassination of journalists so they can’t document what’s going on the assassination of all 54:13 the Educators University people School teachers Etc so that nobody can learn 54:18 and going forward the all the healthc Care people all the doctors all of this kind of very systematic eral and very 54:26 systematic Annihilation so that when this this Infamous day after comes there’s there’s there’s there’s nobody 54:32 to kind of be there and the day after except for victims as they will be framed in the humanitarian world right 54:38 they’ll be okay send some Aid and maybe we give unaa maybe we don’t give unir maybe UNICEF comes in maybe this NGO 54:45 maybe the Germans will send some money and food and we we’ll feel grateful the Americans will ship some more uh you 54:51 know the food or whatever and this kind of thing but on the other hand you I I think if I heard you correctly you also 54:58 talked about you said that they were not powerful and and and I’m I’m curious 55:04 about that because I’m in Lebanon now and the way in which I think at least 55:11 some people here some of us perceive the Israelis is that they’re not powerful so 55:16 they they talk a big game yes they can yeah they can come and they can destroy Lebanon they can destroy they can hit they can okay they’re they’re very good 55:23 at that I mean we’ll give them the they’re excellent at destroying from the air but the sense of you know after 55:30 let’s say the 2006 War here and then onwards the sense of this Israeli machine was punctured psychologically it 55:37 was punctured they be they went from When We Were Young oh they’re so incredible and you know the mad and you 55:42 know everything was so scary everything they do is so amazing to the sense of no these people are defeatable these people 55:50 are weak in their in their in their way and there’s a lot of things that were dispelled and and you know here we are 55:56 150 days into a genocide and they still haven’t frankly achieved their objectives I mean with all the Geno with 56:03 all this this beyond belief damage and destruction and people dying and and 56:08 being killed and body parts as you’re saying and children and babies there’s a sense of it’s it’s an expression of not 56:15 being powerful at the same time so could you explain a little bit more about that because I’m very curious listen that’s 56:22 exactly what I’m I’m saying yes they have power and the power is coming not 56:28 from them they are not powerful I I’m convinced and like this is the 56:34 discussion our I agree I agree morning discussion in this place like uh with my 56:40 better half it’s the morning discussion they are not because if I walk in the 56:46 street and I speak Arabic you will see them like this and they should be afraid and they 56:55 should be afraid because criminals are always afraid they cannot dispossess my 57:00 land they cannot displace my people they cannot kill and not be afraid so they 57:05 better be afraid and and this is why they are afraid because they cannot look at as in our phase listen it’s it’s the 57:15 power they have is the power that the global Community is giving 57:20 them morally bankruptcy 57:26 bankruptcy maybe once Israel had a moral base not anymore this war on Gaza have 57:34 really all the masks have fallen and and no today also military we know that they 57:41 are not as strong as others right and and to me you know and I’ve I’ve known 57:48 that I’ve known that I was always you know this is the story of people that walk around the old city with me and 57:55 they always tell me yeah canra you’re not afraid Habi why should I be afraid the fact that they are carrying so many 58:02 guns and so many rifles tells you it’s an indication of their fear not because 58:07 they’re afraid of me no no not because they’re afraid of me you know I’ll I’ll give you one 58:14 example you go to uh the um an area here in Jerusalem 58:20 and you see a high number of children arrested there’s a high child arrest a topic I write about and I I cover and 58:29 and a high rate and then all of a sudden the Israeli scholar are saying you can listen we need to discuss this because 58:36 we’re afraid from their um stones and throwing and they no no no no Habibi 58:42 leave the place the kid won’t throw a stone the stone is telling you I refuse 58:48 to accept humiliation as part of my daily life I refuse to see my teacher 58:54 being humil humiliated so read it differently what I’m asking us to do is 59:00 to think otherwise to think with from us here from what we experience from the 59:07 mandane from the daily from the act of of ab in gazi who is saying who who was 59:14 talking about thei and his analysis thei stood with Palestinians more than the 59:21 Arab countries because the kui he can eat it and that while the Arab countries are not 59:26 standing with but the problem is today to catch to go and gather kui you need 59:32 to go to the bord so you might be killed for the so AB is talking about the I 59:38 think that power is what can I tell you power is 59:44 corruption extreme power corrupt extremely Israel is being is given lots of power 59:51 and and the article that was published this week New York Times by U an 1:00:00 Israeli leftist uh Grossman about what goes on I’m like I 1:00:07 flipped in my chair I’m like if if he can’t see 1:00:13 us or hear or understand the over 75 1:00:19 years of agonies and then the New York Times is producing it and giving him a stage 1:00:26 where others cannot because I want to write about ashla I really want to Stage 1:00:32 Ash and our our scattered dead bodies in plastic bags that are being reassembled 1:00:38 to create life and to create the wholeness of Palestinians and no they cannot change anything the fact that 1:00:45 they have power they have no power the father with the plastic bags is telling 1:00:50 no these are hadu and hadu is a statement that the wholeness of 1:00:57 Palestine cannot be scattered to ashl the opposite so yes it might sound I 1:01:03 might sound to you a bit um uh um not not logical but you know in in in 1:01:11 rationality doesn’t work in colonial context NAD on on that I mean you are 1:01:17 logical of course and it’s it is you’re you’re giving incredible testimony and and witness but and and the the answer 1:01:23 you gave to the question of when I asked you about when the the oppressors 1:01:29 constantly talk of themselves as victims and you said you you I want to push back a little bit on this point and you said 1:01:35 that you you can’t argue correctly you can’t one can’t argue with feelings people feel something it’s TR you can’t 1:01:40 say they don’t feel it they do feel it but on the other hand how how do you how do you how do you I mean Beyond saying 1:01:47 you acknowledge feelings but isn’t the whole point of their Narrative of being victims precisely what 1:01:55 enables the the the the the the the refusal to accept Palestinian Humanity 1:02:01 the refusal to accept uh the the 75 years that precedes October 7th the the 1:02:07 the the refusal to accept the Palestinian wholeness isn’t so I don’t understand when you say you can’t argue 1:02:14 with their feelings but but their discourse of victimization is precisely what then leads into into this this this 1:02:21 thing so I’m just trying to understand explain to us take you to some to some um theorization in 1:02:28 criminology on on techniques of neutralization but I’ll start by saying 1:02:33 culturally culturally uh this is what they sell 1:02:39 this is what they teach this is what they educate so not that they believe 1:02:44 that they are victims but this is how the the the curriculum at school we are 1:02:51 victims we are victims if you look at the the every feast and every single thing it’s about a war with someone 1:02:58 because they are the victim so it’s it’s this cultural repor that is really being 1:03:04 repeated and repeated and repeated so and this is why when I teach Israeli 1:03:10 students I do not blame them or argue with with their feelings because this is 1:03:16 what they were being um fed all their lives uh contrary to this you know I was 1:03:23 I was raised as a Palestinian 1:03:29 woman keep your head up with all the the the agonies and stories and daily 1:03:36 hardships that we’re facing yeah rasim my head is raised up this is how I was 1:03:44 raised so I think that it’s also cultural but let me take you to one of 1:03:50 the theories in criminology and talks about techniques of neutralization when a criminal commits a crime it’s either I 1:03:57 didn’t do it it was by mistake they pushed me to do it it’s all those Techni 1:04:03 techniques of neutralization that they will continue using but they are criminals let us stay 1:04:10 there whatever they’re saying to neutralize the effect of their crime we 1:04:16 can read it we can analyze it they want to say I’m the victim they want to say I did not mean it they want to say I was 1:04:23 afraid they they can say whatever they want this is one thing the other thing is the amount of 1:04:31 criminality and atrocities and brutality and necropolitics against Palestinians 1:04:37 is nonnegotiable everybody can see it including Biden 1:04:44 everyone can see it so so it’s not it’s not that I’m arguing with their 1:04:50 techniques of neutralization at all they can continue using it you know you 1:04:55 remind me of one of my colleagues who’s like he keeps on asking why you know why 1:05:01 do I think I’m um when I talk about Palestine that I’m like uh uh saying it 1:05:08 in in Pride that you know I’m I’m Palestinian and um and and his his 1:05:14 argument is that those Palestinians those terrorists those habbi we’re not 1:05:20 terrorists we are not terrorist you cannot you can’t frame us in this 1:05:25 islamophobic mentality racialized Colonial mentality because this is what 1:05:31 colonialists have always done Fon told us that the colonizer perceived the 1:05:37 colonized in theological terms yeah and and this is why they put them in ban in 1:05:43 spaces and they’re afraid so in haa we were all put in wed Nas to make sure 1:05:49 that uh the Palestinian animalized others are kept kept in one place but it 1:05:55 doesn’t mean and they can stay as much as they want they are the victims and 1:06:02 listen again I don’t argue with what happened in the Holocaust it’s horrible it’s unacceptable it’s genocidal it’s 1:06:09 something that I look at I learn from I look at books on testimonies from people 1:06:15 who who survived uh the holocost and I I have lots of you know respect to those 1:06:23 with witnessing this is not this is Palestine by the way but at the same 1:06:30 time this these cultural beliefs that are you know uh uh sugarcoated with 1:06:38 other stories sometimes biblical sometimes the netanyahu’s analysis or the Bang’s 1:06:46 analysis is we need to look at them as criminals and we need to analyze them from a criminal perspective that’s this 1:06:53 is how I see it as NAD and it’s not dehumanizing them at 1:07:00 all it just realizing we are dealing with vicious criminals and they should 1:07:08 really somebody should stop them and to to me if you ask me today the only way 1:07:13 is a global political movement that will stop them economic I don’t know what I’m I’m 1:07:21 not a politician but I’m I I feel that this is where we should go Nat I wanted to ask um I I think 1:07:29 we’ll probably I want to get to the October 7th reports but before that I have one last question which is you 1:07:35 you’ve been talking about T and the the body parts that that you you know have 1:07:40 have expressed so so vividly in this sense but I mean politically the oso 1:07:48 created this in in the political body of of of Palestine through the PLO through 1:07:53 this division through the West Bank and Gaza and area a and area B and area C and I don’t know what all all these The 1:07:58 Armenian quarter the you know all these different things within Jerusalem it’s all divided it’s 1:08:04 all political body parts let’s say and so the question you know okay 1:08:11 colonialism setto colonialism genocidal racial hierarchy all this stuff but 1:08:16 where is the the Palestinian Authority where is the PLO where are the the those 1:08:24 I don’t mean people but the the authorities the political bodies that uh 1:08:30 at least I don’t hear much and maybe they are but I don’t see I don’t hear I 1:08:36 don’t see a voice I don’t see mm abas I don’t see these people coming out on a 1:08:41 daily basis and saying something um so where are they and and what about the Arab Islamic World 1:08:48 Egypt Gulf the rest of the Islamic world 1:08:54 where where are they in all of this listen you’re you’re talking uh you’re 1:09:00 talking to me and uh and I will you’ll never hear me um defending Mahmud Abbas 1:09:06 or or or I think that they’re not doing enough I think that they are uh doing a 1:09:15 major damage really major damage I want them out I really want this is if you’ll 1:09:21 ask me I’ve done that million times I’ve written I’ve written petitions I’ve I’ve only lately I I I 1:09:30 signed a letter asking for the reform of the PLO I think we’re not doing enough I think that the Palestinian Authority is 1:09:37 functioning like H you know if you’ll ask me like belad like um municipality 1:09:43 it’s good to to collect the trash and to offer police services and to make sure 1:09:49 that the streets are okay but the problem is that it’s it’s creating a 1:09:55 major damage to us Palestinians and with with with a leadership that is not aware of of the 1:10:02 Matrix of power of the global Matrix of power they are causing they are wounding 1:10:10 the already wounded Ash this is how I see it today and and I really think that 1:10:17 and and I think that your point is is is well taken that this is why I think about as 1:10:24 today because I feel that centering the shattered flesh here that is maintained 1:10:33 by the the PA and by the way they function is a major problem and that’s 1:10:38 our responsibility yeah because I feel that here we need to to to to push them 1:10:45 towards thinking otherwise again if we if we don’t uh if 1:10:52 we don’t re form the PLO today if we don’t work against this onto racial 1:10:59 economy if we don’t work against the as the continuous ashl because it is it is 1:11:06 not only not only Jerusalem come look at Jerusalem it’s a it’s a catastrophe what 1:11:12 goes on look at the West Bank and and think about a simple case of of somebody 1:11:19 a woman that is calling the police in area C the the police the Palestinian police needs to get the approval of the 1:11:25 Israeli police to be able to come help a woman who is abused in in ay it’s you 1:11:31 know in in houses here in N waji the bathroom is in area B and the house is 1:11:36 in and the bedroom is in this is the situation and this is the PA and they are responsible they they put us in the 1:11:43 situation and and the settler Colonial regime is working on ash geographical 1:11:49 Ash of course and and 1:11:55 it’s I might sound a bit but my feminist analysis it’s so it’s so sexual it’s so 1:12:03 gendered that really dispersal that dismemberment it’s part of the uprooting 1:12:09 our work is to reassemble the dismembered exactly like the father with the plastic bags he claimed again 1:12:18 hadu these are my kids so yes area a area B area C 1:12:24 uh Jerusalem occupied Jerusalem nasara Gaza these are this is 1:12:31 what this is my my space this is my nation we need to put it together and 1:12:38 and yes you know Palestinians in in in refugee camps in in in Jordan in Syria 1:12:45 in in Lebanon this is all it’s part of the ash it’s part of the this is why all 1:12:52 I see is is I know I’m I’m I’m over overemphasizing and centering the but to 1:12:59 be honest you know politically I’m there criminologically I’m there and psychoanalytically I’m there because 1:13:06 there is no way you can deal with such a wound without number one acknowledging 1:13:14 that there is a here there is uprooting there is dismemberment there is no other 1:13:21 way so it’s judaization it’s Israel isation but how 1:13:27 but the question remains why the world is allowing this and this is really my 1:13:37 question just just to follow up on this thing the the Arab Islamic 1:13:42 world it’s also part of the Arab Islamic World well Arab Islamic word is a big 1:13:48 failure I I just told you about AB in Gaza who said that yeah of course yeah 1:13:54 you think that it’s easy to know today that you know I don’t want to give 1:14:01 more examples about the failure of of the Arab countries I always say I’m I’m 1:14:06 a very proud Palestinian I don’t want to be called Arab because like when you think about 1:14:12 it and you think about the failure you think about the people that are dying in in On the Border in Egypt you 1:14:19 think about the fact that the Arab countries are normalizing and and having relationship and the only ples that are 1:14:26 leaving from from Boron is is is the uh 1:14:32 Arab Arab aircrafts this is like this is like Madness this is insanity this is 1:14:38 Major it’s it’s additional wounding to the already scattered flesh of the 1:14:44 Palestinian but are Palestinians resp there are Palestinians Yen there are Lebanese pales yemenis Iraqis I mean 1:14:52 there are a lot of Arab of course I mean we’re proud to be Arab I mean be I know you are as well obviously but no I mean 1:14:59 you mean Arab State you mean official Arab states I’m talking about the Arab states and not the Arab people the 1:15:05 moment I Ste into the love it’s it’s the states and not the people because the Arab people are I know their heart is is 1:15:13 in Palestine the problem is the leadership exactly like the PA’s leadership exactly like the PA 1:15:20 leadership and and you ask million questions and I understand but then when I look at at for example bam zumot in in 1:15:29 in the UK and the amazing work he’s doing there to try to to bring together 1:15:35 and to raise and to discuss the Palestinian should he is part of the P so you ask your question why what is 1:15:41 going on so we need really to also do some internal work and um but at this 1:15:48 point we need to stop the genocide immediately like and and uh and and to 1:15:54 think it and to think about it not not in previous uh terms but really in 1:16:01 centering the shattered flesh of the Palestinian because this is where it allows me to develop a practice of being 1:16:10 against the ENT racial nonbeing yeah because again you know theoretically I 1:16:18 I’m I’m thinking about M’s work where he talks about you know the language the 1:16:24 culture the idea the flesh that is uh that doesn’t mean anything in in in the 1:16:32 in specific places and when you look at at us here in Palestine and you look at 1:16:38 Gaza and you look at um Dr gassan standing there trying Shell 1:16:45 Shocked to explain among the ashla with all the doctors H in the hospital you 1:16:51 wonder you know the people people are defying are resisting are speaking back 1:16:57 Samar is talking to her dog to her cat just to say you know don’t eat my ash so 1:17:03 I don’t know when would the world wake up and tell this Zionist movement and 1:17:10 yes it’s time to abolish Zionism this is where I’m going today just abolish Zionism Well it can’t continue it cannot 1:17:18 it’s criminal it’s criminal only by abolishing Z we can continue this is 1:17:24 what I see NAD um I want to ask maybe a final question which is on this report that 1:17:31 came out on the October 7th report that the UN just put out uh on the question 1:17:37 of the rape and the the you know the sexual violence now I I want to ask you as a as a as a Palestinian feminist 1:17:44 who’s there there’s a lot of there’s been a lot of you know criticism of this report 1:17:50 and the fact that it’s still as far as I know know still relies almost entirely on Israeli official sources with almost 1:17:58 no actual eyewitnesses and yet of course if one were to express this kind of thing to 1:18:04 say even to just to say that on social media or anything else one is open to attack for being against women and 1:18:10 against uh you know so how how how how how do you read that and how do you compare that to the absolute Silence of 1:18:18 all the other reports and all the documented rigorously documented reports on sexual violence let alone violence 1:18:24 sexual violence towards Palestinian men and women and and girls and 1:18:29 boys well you know it’s it’s very telling the way I read it I read it as 1:18:37 shaming the state of Israel because they’re using women’s bodies women’s 1:18:44 sexuality and women’s intimate life to play with it in 1:18:50 political terms now if if erh rapes abuses sexual abuses gang rapes it 1:18:59 always happened in war times it always happened we know of my my book on 1:19:05 militarization and violence against women covers this topic and and we know 1:19:10 that the state of Israel 1948 you know there is a report for example in in nin 1:19:17 exactly that specific place where October 7 started there was a case of a 1:19:22 bedwin woman a bedwin young girl that was not only you know there is a 1:19:28 documentation that I managed to get from the from the archive whereby Boran 1:19:34 learned about the case and the captain the the the military officer asked his 1:19:40 his um the soldiers what do you want to do with the with the bedwin woman H do 1:19:46 you want us to kill her or do you want us to rape her and the answer was L fot L fot to her that was this is 1:19:53 something that I’ve written about and in my book on unch childing it opens up the chapter on on on the nakab area abuses 1:20:02 and sexual abuses happen and it shouldn’t happen and I will never approve it not to not to Israelis nor to 1:20:09 Palestinians and not in my name the reports sometimes can get testimonies 1:20:16 some other times cannot get testimonies the issue is that is Israel allowing 1:20:21 proper collection of evidence plus you know personally as a feminist I do not I 1:20:26 don’t go and interrogate the rape victims if a woman said she was raped I 1:20:32 will believe her I do not need evidence and I don’t want to go check facts to be 1:20:37 honest this is my opinion the issue is that even that we don’t have we don’t 1:20:43 see women coming out and saying what happened so women’s bodies are being 1:20:49 used as political weapons if it happens not in my my name if it didn’t happen 1:20:54 it’s shame on the state to use women’s bodies and sexuality to promote political agendas to promote further 1:21:02 dispossession of land to promote further killing to promote abuse and rape and 1:21:08 and and and you know keep in mind that the Rapability of the Palestinian based on 1:21:15 the Zionist agenda is hard at work hard at work in so many ways and I’ve again 1:21:21 have written about that and the State Crime that is sexualized and gender right is there so we need to we need to 1:21:30 number one remember this is a very dishonest to come to say the the state 1:21:37 they will use everything to further kill it’s a killing machine and it’s a necro 1:21:45 political regime that can survive only on the Eraser of Palestinians and only 1:21:53 when they will stop this and they will acknowledge what they’re doing we can start talking like but not to criminals 1:22:01 criminals will will should be punished at this point so I don’t know what to 1:22:07 tell you else about you know when I look at the pictures at the photos of soldiers today getting into Palestinian 1:22:13 homes using the lerie playing with it using you and and laughing and putting 1:22:18 it on tanks and putting it on rifles what is it what is this if it’s not 1:22:23 sexual abuse when you see the way they’re treating men undressing them 1:22:28 keeping them with nothing using that what is it if it’s not sexual abuse so 1:22:34 using dogs exactly like what happened in Abu the body of the Palestinian the 1:22:39 living body the dead body the cut to Pieces body are all capital in the hands 1:22:46 of this Zionist entity and of course they will use any lie they started with 1:22:51 babies they continued with rap they will continue with million other lies every day with another story we stopped 1:22:57 believing them I hope that the world will stop believing them and if things like this happened not in my name I will 1:23:03 never approve it Adela thank you and I think we we’re going to wrap now I mean 1:23:09 we’ve taken up your time um you know in this extraordinary moment for you and 1:23:14 for all Palestinians um I guess the last question we want to ask as as a way of 1:23:19 wrapping is is give given what you’ve been saying that the the entire world 1:23:25 has not listened and has not yet listened and and refuses to listen to Palestinians given the overwhelming 1:23:32 mountain of evidence our question to you and and is why do you continue to write 1:23:39 why do you continue to speak and for whom wait sorry can I just sorry just no I know but just to add because it’s an 1:23:45 important question because but you just said it too I want to just say it’s not that the world is not listening the 1:23:52 world is listening I mean Aaron Bushnell last week set himself on fire outside 1:23:57 the Zionist Embassy in Washington people are protesting across the entire world 1:24:02 Ordinary People are listening and they’re doing what ordinary people can do it’s the states it’s the it’s the I 1:24:10 don’t want to use epithets here it’s the awful Western States above all you know 1:24:16 America right with it with its European entails as well but I mean so it’s not I would say it’s not the world isn’t doing 1:24:23 well n earlier I say that in response to NAD too people are responding people are 1:24:29 doing incredible things in the US and in Europe and of course across the Arab world and the third world too it’s these 1:24:36 shitty states that are not doing the right thing we have to yeah n the last 1:24:41 word is yours yeah well I I think that yes effective 1:24:47 solidarity that comes uh you know from the the streets of of London of New York 1:24:53 of Los Angeles of of India of of you know million places in in the world is 1:25:01 uh is very very very very important and this is the only way we can affect and 1:25:07 change the The Matrix of power but I continue to write AMA because this is 1:25:13 Palestine Hab this is Palestine Palestine you know I I told kids in silan the other day they kept on saying 1:25:20 everybody is dying everybody is dying and we gathered and I asked them to draw and then I and I asked mother to bake 1:25:27 something and I asked father to tell the stories and we were together and then when they said dead death and death I 1:25:33 said no no no no we’re here we’re crying we’re screaming we’re laughing we’re drawing we’re hugging we’re talking 1:25:40 we’re gathering this is life and we continue to live and I ride because it’s 1:25:45 life I speak because it’s life it’s love it’s collectivity it’s togetherness this 1:25:51 is what keeps me moving and there is so much love in Palestine with all the hardships with all the hardships this 1:25:59 and love is a practice of freedom I hope that one day we will be able uh to be 1:26:04 free and yeah what can I tell you free Palestine is what I hope to see and we 1:26:10 can I continue to write and I continue to speak because this is what I know how to do well and I believe in our strength 1:26:17 and our power and our togetherness and our our hugging and kissing and thinking 1:26:23 together and I also believe in in s in the effective solidarity around the world because that effective solidarity 1:26:31 these voices that are coming from all around the world uh whether from South Africa that is really opened my heart 1:26:39 and you know just to see the case in the icj is just amazing it’s so important 1:26:44 this is what gave us some hope and Futurity so I want to believe in this 1:26:50 hope and in US you know talking and speaking and writing and thinking together and loving 1:26:57 each other that’s what I see in Palestine so n thank you with that 1:27:02 message of love and hope uh thank you so much for your time and honestly for all your witness and for all the work that 1:27:08 you do on the ground in Palestine uh for Palestinians first and foremost but also 1:27:14 for for all of humanity in a sense so thank you so much thank you thank you so 1:27:20 much okay he guys that was an extraordinary session with nadir her testimony was extraordinary her the 1:27:27 details the The Unbelievable levels of Cruelty that she documents and yet at 1:27:33 the at the end her her extraordinary ability to maintain a sense of of 1:27:40 defiance of hope uh and as she ended with love and so what did you what did 1:27:46 two of you make of it Kim what did you think yeah I agree I thought it was her testimonies were were were unbelievable 1:27:53 I mean incredibly moving incredibly difficult to to digest I mean still it’s 1:27:59 very very difficult to digest all these kinds of stories and the ASL the body parts uh you know moving from talking 1:28:06 about uh you know babies and children and kids and unch childing and all of these these theoretical and practical 1:28:12 things that she deals with you know in individually and collectively and now 1:28:18 you know moving to this business of body parts it’s it’s really it’s incredibly moving um and I I I very much kind of 1:28:28 liked what she was talking about in in framing all of this despite all of this I was expecting her to say yeah you know 1:28:34 we’re victims and then she comes says no despite all this I hate the idea of talking about victimhood we’re not 1:28:40 victims and uh you know the idea of power and this this notion of different 1:28:46 different nuances of what power is and I had agreed with her there and I and I still I I really believe very 1:28:52 strongly that I I see the Israelis as not powerful they’re powerful militarily 1:28:57 you know with American Support politically they can blow up places they can kill people yeah sure they can do 1:29:02 all this but fundamentally they’re they’re a kind of cowardly you know group of of thugs 1:29:10 that’s how I you know so and I love the idea it’s apparatus State yeah the state 1:29:16 and apparatus and soldiers soldiers army and everybody who supports them it’s just you know and said it you know this 1:29:22 idea of of you know what she’s not afraid she goes and it reminded me of you remember in in in 2000 in May 2000 1:29:29 when when the South lebano was liberated and everybody went down and started throwing those rocks across and you know 1:29:35 here we are sitting right there throwing rocks across and the Israeli soldiers were sitting there in their bunkers you 1:29:42 know far away in their bunkers and just like you know like this and scared and and cowering behind and you just had 1:29:48 like kids and families and women and children just sitting there complet completely out there throwing stones I mean there was a the sense of of you 1:29:55 know uh it’s different ideas of power I mean and I I I love that she was able to 1:30:01 kind of parse them out even while she was talking about this incredible Nuance of and the testimonies and and I finally 1:30:08 I love the idea that she talked about love as the antidote to Zionism and the the antidote to this violence and to the 1:30:14 genocide and you know I if you remembera who also was on an earlier episode of 1:30:20 our podcast also again with all the testimony and all the the the incredibly 1:30:26 moving depressing but moving uh uh and kind of stories that he was talking 1:30:31 about and the solidarity that was being shown outside he also ended up by saying there’s the power of love and that is 1:30:37 the antidote and so I thought you know this is really incredible you know and the importance of what you called about 1:30:43 the the effective solidarity from outside being very important to kind of sustain the work in the face of this 1:30:50 inhumanity uh and and the face of of the kind of international political ineptitude nothing going on silence you 1:30:57 know although it’s not really silence the international court of justice you know has moved the South Africans have 1:31:03 moved the namibians have moved uh you know a lot a lot of people have moved it’s just the key States the Europeans 1:31:09 the Americans or at least some Europeans the Americans and uh Arab states so s on 1:31:16 that on that note I mean maybe you want to jump in here in the WAP and and speak to this point that k just raised because 1:31:22 when I was trying to conclude you interrupted me that’s okay uh we’re brothers and you said that the world is 1:31:30 not abandoning the Palestinians that the world has spoken up so do you want to say something about that I I’m thinking about I mean Kim said also obviously the 1:31:37 when we all saw the South African one of the most moving moving things about the South African presentation at the UN was 1:31:43 it it was like these are this not us talking like they the South Africans that incredible panoply of people that 1:31:50 they had you know black and white men and women from different backgrounds and so on making these incredibly powerful 1:31:57 presentations it was like suddenly the world is we we we’re we’re hearing in a 1:32:02 way the representatives of the rest of the world telling our story for us which is very very powerful and very moving 1:32:08 for the same reason Aaron Bushnell who set himself on fire and protest outside the the Zionist Embassy in Washington 1:32:15 that you know incredibly powerful so the world is listening it is these this collection of Western racist states that 1:32:23 are that are and and as you’re saying both the the Arab states sitting on their but it’s also it’s yes it’s also 1:32:29 but it’s also I mean we we should do an episode on this one day it’s not just Western it’s also the the elite sort of 1:32:35 classes of of the aaric intellectuals isn’t it don’t you think that I mean that’s it’s not just the state it’s like 1:32:41 there are a lot of people who could be saying a lot more and haven’t said anything but they never do that’s true I 1:32:47 mean they never do like the you know the major some of the major intellectuals in this country don’t they don’t say anything about anything that matters I 1:32:52 guess they talk to themselves about themselves but but but going back also 1:32:57 to what NAD was saying the other thing I was going to say briefly is just that you know her what she was saying reminds 1:33:02 us of the scale in which the Israeli regime of death and destruction operates 1:33:08 which is this it goes from the very very small and fine grain to the absolutely you know apocalyptic and everything in 1:33:14 between and there’s this there is something to their mentality that is much much closer to the 17th century in 1:33:22 all kinds of ways then to the 21st this this state project is out of it’s out of 1:33:27 place in the 21st century there’s also I mean there is a point that is it’s not it’s out of place you’re absolutely 1:33:33 right I mean there’s an anacronismo colonialism in the 21st 1:33:40 century in this form is totally anachronistic the the discourse of the Israelis the fact that they themselves 1:33:46 don’t even hide when they say these things they say things openly the the torture of Palestinian that’s open it’s 1:33:52 all videotaped it’s all it’s all recorded not vide proud proudly not 1:33:57 proudly the soldiers like know parading in women’s underwear the stripping of men naked and the vast majority of in 1:34:04 all the polls vast majority of of Jewish Israel is supporting and supporting supporting this kind it’s not just a 1:34:10 fringe group there’s enough fringe groups but this yeah this is all this anachronism of this kind of state that 1:34:15 that is built on on Colonial violence um and Western lar that’s the other thing 1:34:21 yeah but fairness to Western colonialists I mean in a way like when the British and the French and and the 1:34:26 Americans did did their thing their awful awful criminality and so forth they didn’t have somebody else helping 1:34:32 them do it they did it themselves yeah but the thing the unique thing about the Israeli state is that they they could 1:34:37 they’re endlessly coddled by the West yeah they couldn’t survive for five minutes without Western support and but 1:34:43 and yet they keep running rough shot over over America telling America to go you know to I I have to be polite in 1:34:49 this program so I won’t say what they say about America it’s just it’s sort of like it’s mockery in a way there’s 1:34:54 there’s a it’s just a weird contortionist I don’t know how to put it but some weird amalgamation of 1:35:02 the 17th century and the and the 12th century and the No but but there’s also but but there’s also there’s also this 1:35:08 point about the anachronism of the of the colonial project in Palestine in the 21st century and what we’re seeing in 1:35:14 terms of genocide on the other hand unlike previous gen genocides and unlike previous settler Colonial formations the 1:35:21 idea of of constantly insisting that they are the victims yeah that’s true this is this is never this is what I’ve 1:35:27 never this is what I’ve never been able to a py this business of they’re always the victims the victims the victims the 1:35:33 victims no matter how much they document their own brutality and I’m always reminded of Benny Morris the the the the 1:35:39 racist Israeli historian who said yes we’re oppressing the Palestinians but we are the greater potential victim here I 1:35:45 mean to me that that line that’s where btim Benny moris it’s just astonishing anyway Karim uh thank you again I know 1:35:52 you’re in beiut and uh you’re you’re as always um um with us from a distance and 1:35:58 S thank you thank you um and uh we’ll we’ll see you all soon and we’ll we’ll 1:36:04 be getting to the patreon Ken do you want to say just a word about the patreon no just to say firstly please send in any question not you guys but 1:36:10 anybody listening anybody remaining who’s listening please send in questions and uh so that we can kind of compile 1:36:17 the questions and and maybe do a session on that as part of the patreon and uh and to be sure to please sign up for 1:36:23 patreon through the website I think it’s just uh patreon.com Makdisi Street and um 1:36:33 otherwise it’s in the link below it’s in the link in the link below as well thank you guys thank you everyone 1:36:39 thanks guys bye bye
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האוניברסיטה העברית דוחה בשאט נפש את כלל אמירותיה המעוותות של פרופ קבורקיאן. האוניברסיטה העברית גאה בהיותה מוסד ישראלי, ציבורי וציוני. כבעבר, ראשי האוניברסיטה חוזרים על קריאתם לפרופ' קבורקיאן למצוא לעצמה בית אקדמי אחר תואם את עמדותיה
בשלב זה, האוניברסיטה החליטה להשעותה מהוראה על…
— האוניברסיטה העברית בירושלים (@HebrewU_heb) March 12, 2024
90 מרצים להנהלת האוניברסיטה העברית: בטלו את השעיית המרצה
בצעד יוצא דופן הודיעו באוניברסיטה העברית על השעייתה מהוראה של פרופ’ נדירה שלהוב-קיבורקיאן, שהאשימה בראיון כי “ישראל תשתמש בכל טיעון כדי להמשיך להרוג” • בעקבות ההחלטה שיגרו שורת מרצים – בהווה ובעבר, מכתב לראשי האוניברסיטה וקראו לביטולה: “אין בדברים משום עבירה על החוק” • המחאה בקמפוס והמכתב המלא
90 חברי סגל באוניברסיטה העברית בירושלים, רובם חברי סגל לשעבר, כתבו אתמול (רביעי) מכתב חסר תקדים בעקבות השעייתה של פרופ’ נדירה שלהוב-קיבורקיאן. במכתב קראו המרצים לביטולה של ההחלטה, שלטענתם נעשתה בניגוד להוראות תקנון המשמעת. החתומים על המכתב הדגישו את “הסתייגותם הנחרצת” מהתבטאויותיה וציינו בו בעת כי “אין בהן משום עבירה על החוק”. במקביל, היום התרחשה מהומה בקמפוס הר הצופים בעקבות הפגנות בעד ונגד המרצה.
מכתבם של המרצים נפתח בדחייה ברורה של אמירותיה של שלהוב-קיבורקיאן: “אנחנו מסתייגים נחרצות מדבריה של פרופ’ שלהוב-קיבורקיאן בראיון שפורסם באינטרנט, וחלקנו אף היה שותף למכתב גינוי לדברים דומים שלה שנכללו בעצומה שיזמה, סמוך לתחילת המלחמה. בצד זאת, סברנו אז ואנו סבורים כיום, שהתגובה היחידה המותרת לדברים היא גינוי שלהם והסתייגות מהם”.
“החלטת ההנהלה והדיקנים לוקה בשלושה עניינים עיקריים: ראשית, מבחינת הסמכות, החלטה על השעיה, קבועה או זמנית, של חבר/ת סגל, אפשרית רק לאחר הגשת תלונה לוועדת משמעת והיא מסורה לראש בית-הדין למשמעת סגל או לנציבת מניעת הטרדה מינית ואף זאת רק לאחר שניתנה לחבר/ת הסגל זכות טיעון ותוך כיבוד זוכות/ה לערעור. שנית, מבחינה מהותית, אנו סבורים שאין בדברים שאמרה פרופ’ שלהוב-קיבורקיאן בראיון משום הסתה לאלימות, לטרור או לגזענות, ואין נשקפת מהם כל סכנה”, נכתב. “שלישית, התגובה של הנהלת האוניברסיטה צפויה לפגוע באופן חמור במעמדה של האוניברסיטה ועלולה להעצים את הקריאות לחרם אקדמי בין-לאומי עליה”. מחאת סטודנטים נגד השעייתה של פרופ’ נדירה שילהוב-קיבורקיאן
במהלך היום סטודנטים שמתנגדים להשעיה הפגינו ברחבת הפורום, מקום מרכזי בקמפוס הר הצופים, במחאה על ההשתקה לדבריהם, כשעל פיהם נייר דבק שחור. בהנהלת האוניברסיטה אמרו כי הניחו שהמלחמה תביא למצב נפיץ בקמפוס אך לא האמינו שהמתיחות תהיה מורגשת כך.
בסרטון שהועלה לרשתות והוביל להשעייתה של פרופ’ שלהוב-קיבורקיאן, היא אמרה בין היתר כי “ישראל תשתמש בכל טיעון כדי להמשיך להרוג. זו מכונת השמדה. פושעים צריכים לשלם על המעשים שלהם. אנחנו הפסקנו להאמין להם (לישראל), אני מקווה ששאר העולם יפסיק להאמין להם”. בעקבות הדברים הודיעה האוניברסיטה בצעד תקדימי על השעייתה מהוראה “על מנת לשמור על אקלים בטוח בקמפוס לטובת הסטודנטים”.===================================================================================
90 אנשי סגל וחוקרים מהאוניברסיטה העברית שלחו היום (ד’) מכתב לראשי המוסד האקדמי, בו קראו להם לבטל את השעייתה מהוראה של פרופ’ נאדירה שלהוב-קיבורקיאן, בעקבות הדברים החמורים שאמרה, בהם טענות נגד הציונות, ייחוס רצח עם לישראל והטלת ספק במעשי האונס שביצעו מחבלי חמאס ב-7 באוקטובר.
מדובר ביוזמה של פרופ’ ברק מדינה, רקטור האוניברסיטה העברית לשעבר. במכתב שנשלח לפרופ’ אשר כהן נשיא האוניברסיטה, הרקטור הנוכחי פרופ’ תמיר שפר ודיקני הפקולטה למשפטים ועבודה סוציאלית בהם לימדה שלהוב-קיבורקיאן, נאמר כי למרות שהם מגנים את דבריה, “סברנו אז ואנו סוברים כיום, שהתגובה היחידה המותרת לדברים היא גינוי שלהם והסתייגות מהם”.
לדבריהם, ההחלטה להשעות את הפרופ’ שהכחישה את מעשי הזוועה היא בעייתית בשלושה היבטים. הראשונה היא ש”אין להנהלת האוניברסיטה, ובכלל זה הנשיא והרקטור או הדיקנים, סמכות להטיל סנקציות על חברי סגל, ובכלל זה להורות על השעיה זמנית של חברת סגל”, זה כפי שמצוין בתקנון.
“שנית, מבחינה מהותית, אנו סבורים שאין בדברים שאמרה פרופ’ שלהוב-קיבורקיאן בראיון משום הסתה לאלימות, לטרור או לגזענות, ואין נשקפת מהם כל סכנה”, אמרו כשלטענתם, הנהלת האוניברסיטה עצמה פרסמה בחודש נובמבר האחרון קווים מנחים לפרסום דעות, ובהם ציינה כי “האוניברסיטה, כמוסד להשכלה גבוהה המעודד שיח וביקורתיות, נוטה שלא להגביל את חופש הביטוי של חברות וחברי הקהילה”. בהתאם לכך נקבע שם כי יש להימנע רק מסוגים מסוימים של התבטאויות “כמו הבעת אהדה למעשה הטבח הנורא” והסתה לגזענות.
לעומת זאת הובהר שם כי “מותר להביע הזדהות עם סבלם של אנשים חפים מפשע שהם או יקיריהם נפגעו, ישראלים, פלסטינים או אחרים ומותר לקרוא לממשלה לצמצם ככל האפשר פגיעה בחיי אדם חפים מפשע”. לפי אותם חותמים על המכתב, “דבריה של פרופ’ שלהוב-קיבורקיאן, שמהם אנו מסתייגים נחרצות, אינם חורגים מן המותר לפי הקווים המנחים הללו ולפי עקרונות בסיסיים של חופש אקדמי וחופש ביטוי בכלל”.
“העמדות של פרופ’ שלהוב-קיבורקיאן מקוממות, אך אין בהן משום עבירה על החוק, ואין בהן תמיכה, מפורשת או משתמעת, באלימות או במעשים המזוויעים של החמאס”, הוסיפו והדגישו כי, “בהתאם לכך, אנו סבורים שאין גם יסוד לקביעה של הנשיא והרקטור, במכתבם אל ח”כ השכל, כי ההשעיה נחוצה ‘על מנת לשמור על אקלים בטוח בקמפוס לטובת הסטודנטיות והסטודנטים’. דבריה של פרופ’ שלהוב-קיבורקיאן לא נאמרו בשיעור או בקמפוס, ובראיון היא כלל אינה מוצגת כחברת סגל באוניברסיטה העברית, ודבריה לא כוונו אל סטודנטיות ואל סטודנטים באוניברסיטה. לא ידוע על תקרית כלשהי שארעה במהלך הסמסטר כולו, על מקרה אחד שבו סטודנטית או סטודנט כלשהם חשו מאוימים על-ידי פרופ’ שלהוב-קיבורקיאן או לא בטוחים”.
אותם אנשי סגל של האוניברסיטה העברית טענו כי המונח “אקלים בטוח בקמפוס”, משמעותו גם כיבוד חופש הביטוי של חברי הסגל עצמם, והכרה בכך שיש בהם מגוון עמדות בנושאים הקשורים למלחמה. “שלישית, התגובה של הנהלת האוניברסיטה צפויה לפגוע באופן חמור במעמדה של האוניברסיטה. התגובה הזו לדבריה של פרופ’ שלהוב-קיבורקיאן עלולה להעצים את הקריאות לחרם אקדמי בינלאומי על האוניברסיטה ולפגוע באקדמיה הישראלית בכללה. הנזק שעלול להיגרם לאוניברסיטה העברית ולאקדמיה הישראלית בשל הצעד הזה עולה לאין שיעור על תועלת אפשרית בשמירה על ‘אקלים בטוח’ בקמפוס”, ציינו וסיכמו כי, “לאור כל זאת, אנו קוראות וקוראים להנהלת האוניברסיטה לבטל את ההחלטה, שניתנה בחוסר סמכות, על השעייתה של פרופ’ שלהוב-קיבורקיאן מהוראה. על ההנהלה לפעול בהתאם להוראות תקנון המשמעת, אם היא סבורה שיש חשד שנעברה כאן עבירת משמעת כלשהי”.
13 March at 17:04A translation of Professor Yuri Pines’s letter to the leaders of Hebrew U following their decision to suspend Professor Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian.Asher and Tamir Shalom, I was amazed to discover – unfortunately, indirectly and without a statement on your part – the despicable content of the letter you wrote to MK Sharren Haskel. I never thought that the Hebrew University was a Zionist institution: I saw it as an academic institution where Zionists, non-Zionists, and also people who oppose Zionism like myself can work. I also thought that the Hebrew University is led by people who are wise enough to understand that the issue of whether Israel is committing genocide in Gaza or just “normal” war crimes belongs precisely to the area where lecturers and students can express themselves freely. I have never heard of a lecturer being suspended, whatever his/her political positions may be. And I never knew there was a political position test that we are obliged to take in order teach in the university.It seems that I was wrong in my assessments of the university and its leaders, and I must take responsibility. I hereby announce that from now on I refuse to do any work at the university that involves its representation in Israel or abroad. Therefore, I am ceasing my work as director of the Confucius Institute and will not accept any position in the future. I will inform my close colleagues of this decision. You have really disgraced the institution. I have never felt so betrayed and humiliated. Yuritranslated by
Shai Davidai, an Israeli assistant professor at the Columbia University Business School, is being investigated by the Columbia administration. Davidai gained prominence by criticizing the failure of the university to respond to antisemitism on campus. He charged the university’s leadership for letting anti-Israel sentiment and antisemitism flourish. When asked about the charges, Davidai stated that he could not comment on the details because of the university’s bylaws; he added that the University’s Office of Equal Opportunity and Affirmative Action was carrying out the investigation. Davidai broke into the public sphere soon after Hamas’s October 7 attack on Israel, which triggered widespread anti-Israel protests on all college campuses, including Columbia. A video of his impassioned speech went viral instantly. Clearly, his advocacy for Israel and Jews made him a target. Law firm Kasowitz Benson Torres represents Davidai.
In response to allegations, Davidai said, “Nothing I have done in my advocacy in the past five months has been about any protected class… Unless they want to claim that supporting terrorism is a protected class, there’s no grounds for this investigation.” Davidai announced on social media that he has repeatedly advocated for Palestinian rights.
Due to the surge of antisemitic incidents on campus, Columbia University is facing investigations by Congress. CNNreported that the House Education and Workforce Committee announced a hearing on April 17 featuring Columbia President Minouche Shafik and the two co-chairs of the board of trustees: Claire Shipman and David Greenwald. Last month, the House Education Committee widened its campus antisemitism investigation to include Columbia. It demanded the Ivy League school turn over a wide range of documents to aid that probe. “Some of the worst cases of antisemitic assaults, harassment, and vandalism on campus have occurred at Columbia University,” said Rep. Virginia Foxx, the Republican chairwoman of the committee. “Due to the severe and pervasive nature of these cases, and the Columbia administration’s failure to enforce its own policies to protect Jewish students, the Committee must hear from Columbia’s leadership in person to learn how the school is addressing antisemitism on its campus.”
At a roundtable event held by the Committee earlier this month, Eden Yadegar, a junior at Columbia University and the president of Students Supporting Israel, described how Jewish students were attacked by people wielding sticks outside of the university library. “We have been attacked by sticks outside our library. We have been attacked by angry mobs and we have been threatened to ‘Keep f—ing running.’” Last fall, a Columbia student who was hanging posters on campus in support of Israel was assaulted. Days later, a mobile “doxxing” billboard drove outside the entrance of Columbia displaying the names and faces of students who a conservative nonprofit said were linked to a statement blaming Israel for the Hamas terror attack.
In response, Samantha Slater, the Columbia spokesperson, told CNN that antisemitism is “antithetical” to the university’s values. “Columbia is committed to combating antisemitism and we welcome the opportunity to discuss our work to protect and support Jewish students and keep our community safe.”
Earlier this month, the Columbia University Office of the President published a report by its Task Force on Antisemitism. According to the report, the Task Force has heard of “the isolation and pain many Jewish and Israeli Columbia affiliates have experienced in recent months. While mourning Hamas’s unspeakable atrocities on October 7, some Jewish and Israeli Columbia affiliates have been the object of racist epithets and graffiti, antisemitic tropes, and confrontational and unwelcome questions, while others have found their participation in some student groups that have nothing to do with politics to be increasingly uncomfortable. Israeli Columbia affiliates have been criticized and stereotyped for serving in the military, something most Israelis are required to do. Some Jewish students have felt isolated in supporting Israel, while others have felt isolated in criticizing Israel. While there is strong support among Jewish and Israeli Columbia affiliates for the right to protest, as well as widespread heartbreak about the tragic loss of civilian life in Gaza, many have heard chants at protests like ‘Globalize the Intifada’ and ‘Death to the Zionist State’ as calls for violence against them and their families.”
Allegations against Davidai appeared on the pages of the Columbia student newspaper, the Spectator, which reported in mid-February that a group of social psychology graduate students from the Society of Personality and Social Psychology (SPSP) sent a letter on Feb. 7 to the academic society’s executive committee calling to sanction Davidai; a member of SPSP charged that he“has intentionally targeted and put vulnerable students from multiply marginalized racial, ethnic, and religious backgrounds at risk through his actions.” The letter was authored by a group, “SPSP Graduate Students Against Racism,” comprised of individuals “from racially minoritized backgrounds, pro-Palestinian, and/or themselves Palestinian” and did not feel “safe disclosing [their] identities given Davidai’s targeting of individuals—especially Palestinians and students of color—who have expressed similar views.”
According to the Spectator, the letter cites seven incidents of Davidai’s social media activity from Oct. 13, 2023, to Jan. 20, 2024, concerning pro-Palestinian campus protests. The letter states that these posts “have violated SPSP’s Code of Conduct with respect to expected and prohibited behavior from SPSP members.”
The Spectator brings some examples:
– Dec. 11, 2023 tweet, according to the Spectator, the letter states that Davidai called for the expulsion of Columbia students and that he “misrepresent[ed] pro-Palestinian protests as calls for genocide.” That “By calling for peaceful and non-violent student protestors to be expelled and misrepresenting their slogans as calls for genocide (e.g., equating ‘intifada’ with calls for genocide of Jews), Dr. Davidai put vulnerable students at risk of violence from bad faith actors, and encouraged serious administrative action from the university,” the letter reads. “It is important to note here that many of these student protestors have lost multiple family members in the ongoing military operation in Gaza, and are grieving.”
– Jan. 16 tweet, according to the Spectator, in which Davidai issued “another ‘call to action’ for his followers to write to various Columbia administrators, including University President Minouche Shafik, to suspend student groups [Students for Justice in Palestine] and [Jewish Voice for Peace]. The tweet included a link to a pre-prepared email script which called for the suspension of SJP and JVP student organizations.”
– Jan. 16 tweet, according to the Spectator, Davidai made in an email “serious and spurious allegations against an individual Muslim woman student at Columbia, putting a student from an already vulnerable group at elevated risk, and contained links to tweets which doxxed and smeared this student on social media.” Davidai said, “I have never doxxed a Columbia student, I have never named a Columbia student, I have never targeted a Columbia student.” He added that he has posted videos taken in public space about public comments in which students participated. Conservative media group Accuracy in Media deployed “doxxing trucks” to Columbia’s Morningside campus on Oct. 25, 2023, displaying the names and faces of affiliates allegedly involved in student groups who signed onto a pro-Palestinian student statement released on Oct. 12, 2023, under the words “Columbia’s Leading Antisemites.” The truck recirculated on the Morningside campus several times following its initial appearance. “Most of the students in these protests are good people … [but] they have been hijacked by the organizers of SJP, JVP, and [Columbia University Apartheid Divest],” Davidai said, adding that he feels bad for the students who are uninvolved because “their entire year is being disrupted by a small radical group that doesn’t care about education… they care about revolution.”
– Jan. 17 tweet where Davidai, according to the Spectator, described Columbia students as “pro-terror,” with the authors of the letter writing that they were “highly concerned that this … pattern of behavior will only work to endanger students at Columbia and those who wish to express their support for Palestine and Palestinians at the SPSP conference.” The authors of the letter called these violations “a threat to the safety and inclusivity of the SPSP community both within and beyond formal Society events, particularly for individuals of Muslim and Arab backgrounds, and those who advocate for Palestinian liberation, who are already experiencing heightened vulnerability.”
Horrified by the accusations against Davidai, a group named “We Are Tov” started a petition titled “Defend Davidai: Demand that Columbia End its Persecution of Jewish Professor Shai Davidai” on March 11, 2024. The petition states, “If Shai Can’t Speak, How Can I?” The petition begins by declaring, “We, the undersigned, are deeply troubled by the baseless investigation initiated by Columbia University against Assistant Professor Shai Davidai at Columbia’s Business School. He has courageously spoken out against the hostile environment that Jewish and Israeli individuals face on Columbia’s campus. Since October 7th, Shai has been a vocal advocate for Jewish students’ safety and rights. Yet, instead of supporting him and the students he represents, Columbia’s leadership has turned a blind eye to antisemitism and failed to provide a safe environment for Jews on campus. Now, in a blatant act of retaliation, Columbia has launched an internal investigation against Shai, aiming to silence him for speaking out against systemic antisemitism and the university’s failure to address it.”
According to the petitioners, “Over the past five months, Jewish students at Columbia have been locking themselves in their dorm rooms for fear of being assaulted. They have been spat on, attacked, bullied, and vilified. And they have been harassed by pro-terror student organizations that justify, excuse, and celebrate the massacre of Jews while chanting for their eradication ‘by any means necessary.’ These organizations – which have been suspended due to their hate-filled rhetoric – continue to hold unauthorized pro-terror rallies on campus without any fear of disciplinary action. Columbia refuses to enforce the terms of their suspension but instead pursues this baseless investigation into Shai. Shai’s commitment to holding Columbia to account for their actions has resulted in death threats.”
According to the petition, Davidai “is relentlessly targeted on social media (including by Columbia students and faculty). He – out of fear of being assaulted – avoids spending time on campus. And now, in the ultimate act of betrayal, he is being persecuted by Columbia’s leadership, which is retaliating against him with a sham investigation based on meritless “complaints.” Shai should be applauded for his actions – not punished. His refusal to remain silent has empowered students to speak out against antisemitism on campuses everywhere. By silencing Shai, Columbia is effectively silencing Jewish students everywhere. After all, if a respected professor cannot speak out against antisemitism without facing retribution, how can a student be expected to do so?”
The petitioning group stated its demands: “Drop the Investigation: We demand that Columbia University immediately drop its internal investigation against Professor Davidai. Create a Safe Environment: Columbia’s leadership must take proactive steps to create a safer and more inclusive environment for Jewish students and faculty. This includes: Punishing and enforcing sanctions against organizations that harass and bully Jewish students. Working with law enforcement and aiding in the prosecution of individuals who commit hate crimes against Jewish individuals. Encouraging Jewish students to report harassment without fear of reprisal. Implementing increased safety and security measures for Jewish students and organizations.”
Israeli professor who’s slammed campus antisemitism says Columbia investigating him
Shai Davidai calls probe unwarranted unless ‘supporting terrorism is a protected class,’ says university ‘cannot just create some sort of Dreyfus trial in order to get rid of me’
New York Jewish Week via JTA — Shai Davidai, an Israeli assistant professor at Columbia University’s business school, has gained prominence over the past five months for criticizing the university’s response to campus antisemitism. Now, he says the university has placed him under investigation.
Davidai declined to comment on the details of the investigation, but said it was being carried out by the university’s Office of Equal Opportunity and Affirmative Action, which responds to allegations of harassment and discrimination on campus.
Davidai broke into public view just weeks after Hamas’s October 7 invasion of Israel triggered widespread anti-Israel protests on college campuses, including at Columbia, when a video of an impassioned speech he gave went viral. Since then, he has emerged as a leading voice criticizing universities for permitting anti-Israel sentiment to flourish and bleed into antisemitism.
Speaking to the New York Jewish Week on Friday, he rejected the idea that he has publicly targeted individual students and protected groups, saying his condemnations are of student organizations.
“Nothing I have done in my advocacy in the past five months has been about any protected class,” he said.
“Unless they want to claim that supporting terrorism is a protected class, there’s no grounds for this investigation.”
The New York law firm Kasowitz Benson Torres confirmed that it was representing Davidai in the case and that Columbia was investigating him. The university said it could not comment on personnel matters.
“As a general matter, if the University receives a formal complaint, it will review and consider the complaint under established processes,” a spokesperson told the New York Jewish Week.
Davidai said he intends to fully respect the investigation and cooperate with investigators. But he compared the investigation to the late 19th-century Dreyfus Affair, an infamous antisemitic incident in which a French Jewish officer was falsely accused and convicted of treason.
“I wanted to make it public,” he said. “I really do believe that sunlight is the best disinfectant, and Columbia needs to be clear that many people are invested in this investigation, and they can’t just create some sort of Dreyfus trial in order to get rid of me.”
The investigation of one of the most outspoken critics of Columbia’s response to antisemitism comes as the university has faced blowback for its approach to activism and bigotry surrounding the Israel-Hamas war. It is one of several elite colleges to face scrutiny from students, faculty, donors and government officials over its handling of antisemitism since Hamas’s October 7 invasion of Israel, when the Gaza-governing terror group slaughtered 1,200 people in southern Israel, mostly civilians massacred amid brutal atrocities, and abducted 253 to Gaza — where 130 are still held.
At Columbia, an Israeli student was allegedly assaulted on campus in October, and later in the fall, the school suspended two anti-Zionist student groups for unauthorized protests. Now, the university is facing investigations by Congress and the Biden administration as well as lawsuits from Jewish students. This week, a report from the school’s antisemitism task force said that Jewish students were experiencing “isolation and pain.”
On Friday, Davidai publicly announced the investigation on social media, adding that he has repeatedly advocated for Palestinian rights in public statements.
Davidai was an early critic of Columbia’s approach to anti-Israel protests after October 7. In the October speech that went viral, Davidai condemned the university for allowing “pro-terror” student demonstrations and told parents that their children on Ivy League campuses were not safe.
“I want you to know one thing: We cannot protect your child,” he said at an outdoor vigil less than two weeks after the Hamas attack. “I’m speaking to you as a dad, and I want you to know, we cannot protect your children from pro-terror student organizations, because the president of Columbia University will not speak out against pro-terror student organizations.”
His advocacy for Jews and Israelis has made him a target on campus and beyond. Last month, a group of graduate student members of the Society of Personality and Social Psychology, an academic association of which Davidai is also a member, demanded that the society sanction him.
The signatories claimed that he “intentionally targeted” vulnerable students, citing online posts in which he called for the continued suspension of the pro-Palestinian groups Students for Justice in Palestine and Jewish Voice for Peace. In one post, above video of an unsanctioned protest, he wrote, “It’s time for expulsions.”
Davidai said he does not speak out against individual students or groups of people but against student organizations.
Davidai’s activism has taken aim at protests where student groups have chanted “globalize the intifada” and “from the river to the sea,” slogans that Israel advocates and antisemitism watchdogs view as calls to violence. Student organizations have also condemned “Zionists” on campus. Columbia student groups have collaborated with the group Within Our Lifetime, New York’s most active and visible pro-Palestinian organization, which endorsed the October 7 attack and whose leadership has explicitly supported Hamas, an Islamist terror group avowedly seeking to destroy Israel.
He and his wife, the Israeli writer and translator Yardenne Greenspan, have also said that they’ve faced adversity because of their activism outside of Columbia. They wrote in a Tablet essay last month that they have lost friends and faced threats since October 7, even as they favor policies that would be considered squarely left-wing in Israel, including opposition of Israel’s occupation of the West Bank. “For our friends, our refusal to apologize for Israel’s existence simply deemed us intolerable,” they wrote.
Davidai still does not believe the university is taking campus antisemitism seriously. He applauded the antisemitism task force for its report but said he does not think it will be effective. He feels that the body is a cover for the administration to avoid taking concrete steps to protect Jewish students and has declined to speak with it.
“I see the university as using the task force as a fig leaf for lack of action and I refuse to be that,” he said. “I refuse to make kosher the university’s lack of action.
Updated 9:14 AM EDT, Tue March 12, 2024New YorkCNN —
The president and board chairs of Columbia University have agreed to testify next month at a Congressional hearing on campus antisemitism.
The House Education and Workforce Committee announced Monday it will hold a hearing on April 17 featuring Columbia President Minouche Shafik and the two co-chairs of the board of trustees: Claire Shipman and David Greenwald.
Shafik had been invited to testify at the disastrous December hearing where the presidents of Harvard University, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the University of Pennsylvania struggled to answer questions about whether calls for the genocide of Jews would violate school policies. The Columbia president was unable to attend in December due to long-scheduled travel, according to university spokesperson Samantha Slater.
Within weeks, the leaders of both Harvard and Penn had quit amid firestorms of controversy.
“Some of the worst cases of antisemitic assaults, harassment, and vandalism on campus have occurred at Columbia University,” said Rep. Virginia Foxx, the Republican chairwoman of the committee, in a statement. “Due to the severe and pervasive nature of these cases, and the Columbia administration’s failure to enforce its own policies to protect Jewish students, the Committee must hear from Columbia’s leadership in person to learn how the school is addressing antisemitism on its campus.”
At a roundtable event held by the committee earlier this month, Eden Yadegar, a junior at Columbia University, described how Jewish students were attacked by people wielding sticks outside of the university library.
“We have been attacked by sticks outside our library. We have been attacked by angry mobs and we have been threatened to ‘Keep f—ing running,’” said Yadegar, who is the president of Students Supporting Israel at Columbia University
Columbia has said that antisemitism is “antithetical” to the university’s values.
“Columbia is committed to combating antisemitism and we welcome the opportunity to discuss our work to protect and support Jewish students and keep our community safe,” Slater, the Columbia spokesperson, told CNN in a statement on Monday.
Last fall, a Columbia student who was hanging posters on campus in support of Israel was assaulted. Days later, a mobile “doxxing” billboard drove outside the entrance of Columbia displaying the names and faces of students who a conservative nonprofit said were linked to a statement blaming Israel for the Hamas terror attack.
Shai Davidai, an assistant professor at the Columbia Business School, called Shafik a “coward” in a fiery speech last year criticizing the university president for failing to quiet “pro-terror” voices at the school.
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📢📢 IMPORTANT ANNOUNCEMENT📢📢@Columbia has opened an investigation into my advocacy for the Jewish and Israeli students, faculty, and staff at the university.
This is a clear act of retaliation and an attempt to silence me.
1. An UNAUTHORIZED EVENT took place 2. Protestors chanted CALLS FOR VIOLENCE AND GENOCIDE of the Jews 3. SJP and JVP (who hosted the event) BROKE THE RULES OF THEIR SUSPENSION.
Dear President Shafik, Senior Vice President Rosberg, and General Counsel Rosan,
I write with great concern over the looming expiration of the November 10 suspension of student groups “Students for Justice in Palestine” (SJP) and “Jewish Voice for Peace” (JVP). These groups’ re-admission to campus should be barred because (1) they have openly violated their suspension order by continuously operating on campus during the time of their suspension through alignments with other student groups that “cover” for them and do their bidding; and (2) these groups are under the direction of two national organizations with ties to designated terrorist organizations and they therefore present an enormous danger to the Columbia community and violate the material support prohibitions of the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1996, 18 U.S.C. § 2339a.
I. SJP and JVP Violated The Suspension Order and Must Not be Reinstated
In the statement suspending SJP and JVP from Columbia’s campus, Senior Vice President Gerald Rosberg conditioned the lifting of these groups’ suspension upon “demonstrating a commitment to compliance with University policies.” Not only has SJP and JVP failed to demonstrate such commitment, they have openly flaunted their ability to violate the suspension with impunity.
Before addressing SJP’s violation of the suspension, it is important to understand a little about its organizational structure. SJP is a chapter organization of a larger entity, National SJP. Both National SJP and also the American Muslims for Palestine (AMP) have outreach personnel which, as described on the AMP website, ”work in broad-based coalitions and support campus activism through Students for Justice in Palestine.” AMP’s Chairman is a co-founder of SJP, and AMP’s Director of Outreach, Taher Herzallah, is tasked with coordinating and guiding SJP chapters nationwide. National SJP’s website describes itself as providing “support to about 200 SJP chapters on university and college campuses.”
On or about December 7, soon after Columbia suspended SJP and JVP, National SJP conducted a workshop where one of the speakers was a Columbia student who introduced herself as “Maryam, an organizer of Columbia SJP and Columbia University Apartheid Divest.” She listed her title as “Maryam, Columbia SJP.” In a December 19, 2023 opinion piece by Maryam Alwan in the Columbia Spectator, the author of the piece identifies herself as an “SJP organizer.”
At the National SJP workshop, speaker Maryam stated:
Thus, the leader of SJP explains that SJP revitalized a dormant shell organization, CUAD Coalition, to stand in the shoes of SJP and do its bidding to get around the suspension order. The National SJP workshop included a panelist teaching campus chapters to develop a coalition explicitly for the purpose of evading University suspension orders and allowing SJP chapters to continue their operations after being suspended. https://twitter.com/thestustustudio/status/1733661122526339206?s=20. And Maryam indicates that Columbia SJP followed that teaching to the letter: she openly touts that the very first protest after SJP’s suspension was hosted by CUAD Coalition “because we can’t host protests anymore.”
While Maryam identified herself at the National SJP workshop as a leader of SJP at Columbia, she also introduced herself as a leadership figure of CUAD Coalition – CUAD Coalition being the organization to host protests after SJP’s suspension. As Maryam proceeded to explain the organizational structure of CUAD Coalition, she stopped herself and commented that “I don’t want to say too much, because I probably shouldn’t expose the current organizational structure.” https://twitter.com/thestustustudio/status/1732985047081226315. Despite Maryam’s reticence to reveal the organizational structure, other CUAD Coalition members have been candid that the CUAD Coalition is organized with an “internal structure whereby SJP, JVP, and a committee of impacted Palestinian students are at the top.” See, Columbia Spectator, November 29, “Over 80 Student Groups Form Coalition” (stating that “CUAD Coalition was formalized after the University suspended SJP and JVP”).
With Maryam wearing one hat as the leader of Columbia SJP, and another hat as a leader of CUAD Coalition, coupled with her unwillingness to “expose” the organizational structures of each, and her colleagues’ admission that SJP and JVP run the coalition, there is but one conclusion to be reached: SJP and JVP are the master puppeteers of CUAD Coalition, which acts as a cover for SJP. As Maryam openly acknowledged, “SJP can’t host protests anymore” and this new arrangement is a mechanism for violating the suspension order with impunity. The noncompliance should not be countenanced, and reinstatement of SJP and JVP should be denied on this basis.
II. SJP and JVP Should be Suspended Because of the Ties to Designated Terror Organizations
While SJP’s failure to comply with the suspension order is disabling in and of itself, in addition to their open violation of this reinstatement condition of compliance, SJP’s open support of terrorism, and receipt of funds from terrorist organizations, is an equally compelling and more than adequate basis to continue their suspension.
In particular, Maryam stated at the December 7 National SJP workshop that she “insist[s] on using “from the river to the sea” in our protests. This slogan was called out by the United States Congress (a month before Maryam’s remarks at the National SJP workshop) as an explicit call for the genocide of the Jewish people. Alarmingly, through Maryam, SJP continues — in the face of federal censure stemming from the use of this term and acknowledgement of it as a call for genocide – to “insist” on its use on Columbia’s campus, placing every Jewish student in danger and mortal fear. No group should be permitted on campus that, upon hearing our federal government define a slogan as a genocide call, states they insist on the entitlement to instill fear in fellow students by the open and notorious use of the phrase.
Furthermore, SJP’s benefactor organization, AMP, touts that it provides to the SJP chapters that it supports through campus activism “free materials, information, speakers, infrastructure and grants.” AMP’s Executive Director, Osama Abuirshaid, is linked to the Hamas military wing (Izz ad-Din al-Qassam) and appears on its website, and has ties to Hamas’ predecessor American support organizations, the Holy Land Foundation and the Palestine Committee, which were disbanded in the U.S. for supporting Hamas. Given these clear linkages between AMP and Hamas, this amounts to Columbia’s SJP chapter pursuing the agenda of AMP (and through AMP, pursuing the agenda of Hamas), lending material support to achieve the aims of these terrorist groups in violation of the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1996, 18 U.S.C. § 2339a.
Beyond SJP’s ties to Hamas through AMP and National SJP, Maryam stated at the National SJP workshop that SJP enjoys the services of a dedicated legal team through Palestine Legal. Palestine Legal put on a joint “Law Enforcement Contact and Protesting” seminar with CUNY in mid-November. The panelists directed attendees to consult the “Know Your Rights” materials on CUNY Legal’s website, which caution attendees with guidance when considering “joining or supporting an organization or individual that the government has designated as terrorist.” That the legal advisors to Columbia SJP anticipate the need to guide club members about issues to consider when being invited to join terrorist organizations is beyond frightening.
Lastly, given the coordination role of National SJP in directing its affiliate campus chapters, it is telling that sister SJP chapters at other universities have already begun to express support for the Houthis in urging the United States to refrain from self-defense in that conflict. As the Biden administration considers redesignating the Houthis as a terrorist organization after a short de-listing, SJP’s consistent alignment with terror groups Hamas, AMP and now the Houthis, is alarming. Coupled with Columbia SJP’s ties with Hamas and AMP, suspending this terror group from campus is necessary to maintain proper safety measures and responsibly manage Columbia’s risk profile. If a terror act is committed upon a community member by an SJP-aligned actor in the face of this overwhelming collection of terror-affiliations, the University’s risk exposure would be extraordinary.
III. JVP acts in Partnership with SJP and should Similarly be Suspended
While I am unaware of specific ties among JVP and other terrorist organizations, JVP stands in partnership with SJP (see, Columbia Spectator, December 19, 2023 opinion piece by Maryam Alwan, identifying the two groups as being in a horizontal alliance). As partners answerable for one another’s actions under the law, JVP is imbued with all of the actions attributable to SVP. This, apart from JVP’s open noncompliance with the suspension order, requires JVP’s continued suspension for all of the reasons stated in Section II, above.
Summary
In summary, SJP and JVP have openly violated the November 10 suspension order and, as such, cannot be reinstated, because compliance with University policies is a precondition to reinstatement. Further, the provision of material support to AMP and Hamas places the entire community and risk and violates our country’s terrorism laws, and for this reason as well, requires suspension of these groups.
We need to know your plan for maintaining safety, and in particular safety of Jews, on campus. Please direct your response to Gerard Filitti, gerard@thelawfareproject.org before Friday, January 19.
Sincerely,
#EndJewHatred #EndJewHatred is a non-partisan international grassroots civil rights movement that unites ordinary people, activists, and organizations from around the world who support the cause that defines the movement: to end Jew-hatred in our lifetime.
We, the undersigned, are deeply troubled by the baseless investigation initiated by Columbia University against Assistant Professor Shai Davidai at Columbia’s Business School. He has courageously spoken out against the hostile environment that Jewish and Israeli individuals face on Columbia’s campus.
Since October 7th, Shai has been a vocal advocate for Jewish students’ safety and rights. Yet, instead of supporting him and the students he represents, Columbia’s leadership has turned a blind eye to antisemitism and failed to provide a safe environment for Jews on campus. Now, in a blatant act of retaliation, Columbia has launched an internal investigation against Shai, aiming to silence him for speaking out against systemic antisemitism and the university’s failure to address it.
Over the past five months, Jewish students at Columbia have been locking themselves in their dorm rooms for fear of being assaulted. They have been spat on, attacked, bullied, and vilified. And they have been harassed by pro-terror student organizations that justify, excuse, and celebrate the massacre of Jews while chanting for their eradication “by any means necessary.” These organizations – which have been suspended due to their hate-filled rhetoric – continue to hold unauthorized pro-terror rallies on campus without any fear of disciplinary action. Columbia refuses to enforce the terms of their suspension but instead pursues this baseless investigation into Shai.
Shai’s commitment to holding Columbia to account for their actions has resulted in death threats. He is relentlessly targeted on social media (including by Columbia students and faculty). He – out of fear of being assaulted – avoids spending time on campus. And now, in the ultimate act of betrayal, he is being persecuted by Columbia’s leadership, which is retaliating against him with a sham investigation based on meritless “complaints.”
Shai should be applauded for his actions – not punished. His refusal to remain silent has empowered students to speak out against antisemitism on campuses everywhere.
By silencing Shai, Columbia is effectively silencing Jewish students everywhere. After all, if a respected professor cannot speak out against antisemitism without facing retribution, how can a student be expected to do so?
OUR DEMANDS:
Drop the Investigation: We demand that Columbia University immediately drop its internal investigation against Professor Davidai.
Create a Safe Environment: Columbia’s leadership must take proactive steps to create a safer and more inclusive environment for Jewish students and faculty. This includes:
Punishing and enforcing sanctions against organizations that harass and bully Jewish students.
Working with law enforcement and aiding in the prosecution of individuals who commit hate crimes against Jewish individuals.
Encouraging Jewish students to report harassment without fear of reprisal.
Implementing increased safety and security measures for Jewish students and organizations.
JOIN US:
We urge fellow college students, faculty, parents, alumni, and concerned community members everywhere to join us in signing this petition in support of Professor Davidai and the broader Jewish community at Columbia University. Together, we can send a powerful message that antisemitism will not be tolerated on our campuses and that the voices of Jewish students and faculty must be heard and respected – and never silenced.
Professor Davidai has issued a statement, you can read it here.
Shai Davidai, a Jewish Israeli assistant professor of management at the Columbia University Business School, told the Journal in an exclusive interview that it is time for Columbia President Minouche Shafik to leave her position over the university’s failure to adequately address antisemitism on campus.
Davidai spoke to the Journal on Saturday following the “Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI): Challenges and Opportunities” session he co-led during the StandWithUs Israel in Focus International Conference at the Hilton Los Angeles Airport hotel. The bespectacled, lanky professor went viral on social media in October after he excoriated Shafik for being a “coward” in failing to denounce “pro-terror student organizations” on campus. Davidai, who describes himself as a “left-leaning liberal,” has since become an outspoken figure in fighting against antisemitism and terror on campus.
“Up until a few weeks ago, I was very, very optimistic or naïve that the current administration will step up and do something,” Davidai told the Journal. “They haven’t done anything for five months. They haven’t commented on two lawsuits and a congressional investigation. It’s clear they don’t want to — I thought that they can’t, they just don’t want. So, I think the president has to go. The provost is now changing, so hopefully we’ll get a better one. The entire board of trustees needs to go. I say: step up or step away.”
Since that October video went viral, “life has been very difficult,” Davidai said. “When I go into the office, almost no one speaks with me. Even if they agree with what I’m doing, it’s like a hot potato, they don’t want to touch it … it’s been very isolating.” He also accused the university of “trying to silence me”; Davidai couldn’t comment on some of the specifics, but he did say that “informally I’ve had several people from the administration come and try to dissuade me from speaking up … They see the fact that donors are pulling out money, that students don’t want to register for school, as if it’s something that has to do with me rather than the problem,” he alleged. “I keep telling them, ‘I am pointing out the problem and you are cutting off the finger rather than dealing with the problem.’”
And online, “I get a lot of hate mail,” Davidai claimed. “I get a lot of hatred remarks, people have published my address … my reputation has been dragged through the mud. And at the same time, you know you’re doing something right if people are attacking your character rather than the arguments.”
Despite these challenges, it has also “been a very meaningful time” for Davidai. “I come to events like this, and see how many Jewish and Zionist students and faculty are really suffering and dealing with all these issues,” he said. “Just being able to add one more voice to the fight has been very helpful.”
Davidai thinks his argument “is very simple”: No antisemitism on campus, no support for terror on campus, and hold administrations accountable for not taking action on these fronts. “Those are basically the things that I’ve been saying, and they are irrefutable,” the Columbia professor said.
How well has Columbia addressed antisemitism since Davidai started speaking out? “Poorly,” Davidai told the Journal. “They have not done anything of substance.” The university did launch a task force to combat antisemitism, and while Davidai respects what the task force is doing, “they haven’t created any actionable plan yet.” On Monday, the task force released a report highlighting antisemitism at Columbia — particularly during protests — and a series of recommendations to better regulate protests; Shafik said in a statement she welcomed the task force’s report. But Davidai told The Times of Israel that the report deals “with the symptom and not the root cause” and that the university isn’t enforcing its current policies.
“The university has allowed more and more of these pro-Hamas protests to happen on campus, even when they are unauthorized, even when they go against the rules of the university,” Davidai told the Journal. The university has suspended the campus Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) and Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) chapters, but have reportedly continued to hold protests on campus.
“They have been holding on average a protest a week, sometimes two or three protests a week,” he continued. “In those protests they use chants that incite violence, which the university has said has gone against the code of the school and the university knows exactly who the organizers are. They know the people shouting at the bullhorns. They have faculty showing up to these unauthorized protests and the university has said nothing about this. It’s just horrific, and every day the bar gets lowered.”
He mentioned a recent article that reported there is a visiting professor at the university’s Middle Eastern Institute who “identifies with Hamas.” “He has called for not just an armed resistance in Israel but armed resistance in the U.S. to, in his words, to ‘liberate the armed turtle island,’” Davidai said, explaining that “turtle island” is a reference to the U.S. and Canada. “Those are the kinds of professors that are at the university. And again, we have free speech … but that doesn’t mean that the university can’t come out and condemn.”
Davidai urged the university to call out the antisemites and those breaking the rules by name and make it clear that such people do not reflect the views of the university. “As long as the university doesn’t do that, they’re basically saying, ‘these people are speaking for our university,’” he said.
When Students Supporting Israel held a rally on campus, it was peaceful, all the rules were followed and rallygoers waved American flags in addition to Israeli flags, Davidai said. “When you look at the pro-Hamas rally, there was just Palestinian flags and Houthi flags … you get a sense of the kind of people you’re dealing with.”
Asked how Jewish students are feeling about the climate campus, Davidai replied that some “feel extremely uncomfortable walking around with their yarmulke” since “we had a student attacked for wearing a yarmulke.” Others are uncomfortable in class because their classmates will accuse them of being “genocidal” as their professors stand idly by. And some students “feel like they are not getting the education they deserve,” Davidai said. “They can’t sit in the library and study when there are people chanting antisemitic chants right outside.”
At the heart of these hostile campus climates at Columbia and elsewhere is an “anti-American sentiment,” Davidai argued. “These are students that have been radicalized by extremist professors, ideologues — they are not academics, they are ideologues — that are pushing an indoctrination of anti-American sentiment. This is why they refer to the U.S. as an ‘occupied territory.’ This is why they support the Houthis who are shooting missiles at American ships. This is why they haven’t said a word about the U.S. civilians that were held hostage by Gaza. They don’t care about these values of life and liberty.”
He added that while he’s “totally fine with the idea that people are shouting to ‘Free Palestine’ in the sense that a Palestinian state will have its own self-determination — I am in support of a Palestinian state — but that shouldn’t come at the life and liberty of the Jewish people in the Israeli state. This is why it’s an issue of life and liberty. This is why you see American flags in the pro-Israel protests. This is why you see American flags in the ‘Release the Hostages’ rallies. This is why you never see even one American flag at the pro-Hamas protest and when you see them, they’re being burned down.”
Davidai also pointed out that Columbia has also been hit with two lawsuits accusing the university of failing to address antisemitism on campus and is being investigated by Congress on the matter and they refuse to comment on any of this. “It’s as if the president of the university thinks if she says nothing, this will go away,” said Davidai. “Kind of like if my child does something wrong and tries to hide it, and my son knows that just by hiding something doesn’t make it go away and we will find out.”
Overall, Davidai thinks that antisemitism has become “endemic” and “institutionalized” at Columbia.
“We need to treat this like any other prejudice,” he said. “I won’t accept anti-Black prejudice, I won’t accept sexism or any kind of racism or homophobia, I won’t accept anti-Arab sentiment and I won’t accept Islamophobia. I also won’t accept antisemitism. It’s not that big of an ask. Decent people would have already acted.” However, Davidai does “believe in second or third chances” and in his view, the university leadership still has a chance to redeem themselves with meaningful action.
He mentioned during his StandWithUs conference session that part of the solution involves universities adopting the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism. Davidai added to the Journal that the solution also involves Shafik condemning Hamas, as she hasn’t mentioned the terror organization once in a public statement. He also called for “a permanent ban” of organizations that support Hamas. “Antisemitic organizations that support terror should not have a place on campus,” he said. “Very simple. And if they keep organizing, even they’re banned or suspended, the organizers should have consequences.”
Davidai has found that when he’s discussing the issue of the Israel-Hamas war and the campus climate to Americans who may not fully understand what is going on, framing it as a life and liberty issue has been “eye-opening” for them. “You’d expect this kind of ideas to come from the right, and I’m saying no, I am a complete leftist and you don’t have to agree with me on my political views, but our values are the same and our values are that we agree on the basic fundamentals on what this country stands for, what Israel stands for, what democracy stands for,” said Davidai, “and once we realize that, yes, we have our political differences, but the values are the same and that’s what we should all be fighting for.”
He added that his message for “middle America” is that “this is not Israel’s war, this is not the Jewish war, this is America’s war … this is the war on terror, it just showed up on U.S. campuses now.”
A university spokesperson told the Journal, “As President Shafik and the administration have consistently made clear that antisemitism is antithetical to Columbia’s values. We are using every available tool to keep our community safe and that includes protecting our Jewish students from antisemitic discrimination or harassment. Maintaining a safe, civil, inclusive and respectful campus environment is always a core priority for the university administration and never more so than at present.”
Society of Personality and Social Psychology students submit complaint calling to sanction Business School professor Shai Davidai
The group of graduate students called Davidai’s actions “a blatant dereliction of duty,” which would violate the SPSP Code of Conduct & Ethics.
The letter states that Davidai, a member of the Society of Personality and Social Psychology, has targeted individuals, specifically Palestinian students.BY JOSEPH ZULOAGA • FEBRUARY 14, 2024 AT 5:36 AM
A group of social psychology graduate students from the Society of Personality and Social Psychology sent a letter on Feb. 7 to the academic society’s executive committee calling to sanction Shai Davidai, assistant professor in the management division at the Business School.
The letter states that Davidai, a member of SPSP, “has intentionally targeted and put vulnerable students from multiply marginalized racial, ethnic, and religious backgrounds at risk through his actions.”
The letter was authored by a group of students under the name “SPSP Graduate Students Against Racism” and submitted through a “representative,” as the group was comprised of individuals who are “from racially minoritized backgrounds, pro-Palestinian, and/or themselves Palestinian” and did not feel “safe disclosing [their] identities given Davidai’s targeting of individuals—especially Palestinians and students of color—who have expressed similar views.”
In an interview with Spectator, Davidai stated that his initial reaction was one of “sadness,” as he believes that academia is not about coming after someone’s reputation because of disagreements.
“Academia is about open exchange of ideas, even if you disagree or disagree with them, as long as we keep some boundary conditions, which is incitement for violence, targeting an entire person or people for specific things like that,” Davidai said.
A Business School spokesperson wrote in a statement to Spectator that the school “closely reviews any concerns over student safety.”
“Our administration is dedicated to upholding University rules and policies, and we work to ensure a safe and welcoming learning environment for every member of our community,” the spokesperson wrote.
The students in the letter called for the SPSP Executive Committee to “1) open a formal investigation into Dr. Davidai’s behavior; and 2) take swift and direct action to sanction Dr. Davidai for violating several tenets of the SPSP Code of Conduct & Ethics … which may include measures such as ‘restriction on attending future events, removal from membership, and forfeiture of previous awards or honors’ as outlined in SPSP’s Code of Conduct & Ethics.”
The letter cites seven incidents of Davidai’s social media activity from Oct. 13, 2023 to Jan. 20, 2024 concerning pro-Palestinian campus protests, including screenshots of Instagram posts, emails, and posts on X. The letter states that these posts “have violated SPSP’s Code of Conduct with respect to expected and prohibited behavior from SPSP members.”
Citing a Dec. 11, 2023 tweet, the letter states that Davidai called for the expulsion of Columbia students and that he “misrepresent[ed] pro-Palestinian protests as calls for genocide.”
“By calling for peaceful and non-violent student protestors to be expelled and misrepresenting their slogans as calls for genocide (e.g., equating ‘intifada’ with calls for genocide of Jews), Dr. Davidai put vulnerable students at risk of violence from bad faith actors, and encouraged serious administrative action from the university,” the letter reads. “It is important to note here that many of these student protestors have lost multiple family members in the ongoing military operation in Gaza, and are grieving.”
The letter also cites a Jan. 16 tweet, in which Davidai issued “another ‘call to action’ for his followers to write to various Columbia administrators, including University President Minouche Shafik, to suspend student groups [Students for Justice in Palestine] and [Jewish Voice for Peace]. The tweet included a link to a pre-prepared email script which called for the suspension of SJP and JVP student organizations.”
The letter states that in the same Jan. 16 tweet, Davidai made in an email “serious and spurious allegations against an individual Muslim woman student at Columbia, putting a student from an already vulnerable group at elevated risk, and contained links to tweets which doxxed and smeared this student on social media.”
“I have never doxxed a Columbia student, I have never named a Columbia student, I have never targeted a Columbia student,” Davidai said.
He added that he has posted videos taken in public space about public comments in which students participated.
Conservative media group Accuracy in Media deployed “doxxing trucks” to Columbia’s Morningside campus on Oct. 25, 2023, displaying the names and faces of affiliates allegedly involved in student groups who signed onto an pro-Palestinian student statement released on Oct. 12, 2023, under the words “Columbia’s Leading Antisemites.” The truck recirculated on the Morningside campus several times following its initial appearance.
“Most of the students in these protests are good people … [but] they have been hijacked by the organizers of SJP, JVP, and [Columbia University Apartheid Divest],” Davidai said, adding that he feels bad for the students who are uninvolved because “their entire year is being disrupted by a small radical group that doesn’t care about education … they care about revolution.”
The University established a “Doxing Resource Group,” on Nov. 1 which aims to centralize resources for students who have been doxxed and provide free legal advice and privacy scrubbing services.
The letter states that in a Jan. 17 tweet, Davidai described Columbia students as “pro-terror,” with the authors of the letter writing that they were “highly concerned that this … pattern of behavior will only work to endanger students at Columbia and those who wish to express their support for Palestine and Palestinians at the SPSP conference.”
The authors of the letter called these violations “a threat to the safety and inclusivity of the SPSP community both within and beyond formal Society events, particularly for individuals of Muslim and Arab backgrounds, and those who advocate for Palestinian liberation, who are already experiencing heightened vulnerability.”
Spectator spoke to over a dozen Palestinian and pro-Palestinian students in November 2023 who reported harassment, doxxing, and receiving threats in the weeks following Oct. 7 and several protests on campus.
“We hope that the SPSP Executive Committee will demonstrate the leadership necessary in this crucial moment to protect the more vulnerable members of our Society, and hold accountable individuals whose actions render unsafe the inclusive space that SPSP strives to cultivate,” the letter states.
(1) This report reflects the research and analysis of members of the Task Force’s rules working group: David M. Schizer (Co-Chair, Law School), who drafted the report, as well as R. Glenn Hubbard (Business School), Magda Schaler-Haynes (Mailman School of Public Health), Matthew C. Waxman (Law School), and Gil Zussman (Fu Foundation School of Engineering and Applied Science). Extensive input also was provided by the other members of the Task Force: Clémence Boulouque (Department of Religion), Peter Coleman (Affiliate Co-Chair, Teachers College), Jeremy A. Dauber (Department of Germanic Languages), Ester Fuchs (Co-Chair, SIPA), Rebecca Kobrin (Department of History), Jennifer Lee (Department of Sociology), Nicholas Lemann (Co-Chair, Journalism School), Lisa Rosen-Metsch (General Studies), Nir Uriel (Columbia University Irving Medical Center), and Deborah Valenze (Affiliate Co-Chair, Barnard College).
On November 1, 2023, Presidents Minouche Shafik (Columbia University), Laura Rosenbury (Barnard College), and Thomas Bailey (Teachers College) announced the formation of a Task Force on Antisemitism (“the Task Force”) “as part of a commitment to ensuring that our campuses are safe, welcoming, and inclusive for Jewish students, faculty, and staff, and all of us.” (2)
The Task Force is part of a broader series of campus-wide initiatives “to foster a community,” as President Shafik put it, “where debates and disagreements are rooted in academic rigor and civil discourse.” Another product of this “our community, our values” initiative is a pair of new interim policies for safe demonstrations (the “Interim Demonstration Policies”) from Columbia University (“the University”) and Barnard College, which were issued on February 19 and 20th, respectively. The Task Force was pleased to provide input on these policies and, as discussed below, we strongly endorse them.
In the course of its work, the Task Force has heard of the isolation and pain many Jewish and Israeli Columbia affiliates (3) have experienced in recent months. While mourning Hamas’s unspeakable atrocities on October 7, some Jewish and Israeli Columbia affiliates have been the object of racist epithets and graffiti, antisemitic tropes, and confrontational and unwelcome questions, while others have found their participation in some student groups that have nothing to do with politics to be increasingly uncomfortable. Israeli Columbia affiliates have been criticized and stereotyped for serving in the military, something most Israelis are required to do. Some Jewish students have felt isolated in supporting Israel, while others have felt isolated in criticizing Israel. While there is strong support among Jewish and Israeli Columbia affiliates for the right to protest, as well as widespread heartbreak about the tragic loss of civilian life in Gaza, many have heard chants at protests like “Globalize the Intifada” and “Death to the Zionist State” as calls for violence against them and their families.
Across Columbia University, there also have been repeated violations of the rules on protests. Although peaceful demonstrations are permitted at Columbia and Barnard–and, indeed, are an indispensable element of civic life in a free society–the University has rules to keep them from interfering with our academic mission. Unfortunately, these rules often have been violated in recent months. Protesters have disrupted classes and events, taken over spaces in academic buildings, held unauthorized demonstrations, and used ugly language to berate individuals who were filming these protests or just walking by. There also have been reports of physical harm to students, including Columbia affiliates who were protesting against Hamas and Columbia affiliates who were protesting against Israel. Needless to say, the University must guarantee the physical safety of all Columbia affiliates, and a welcoming environment for everyone is essential.
In the coming months, the Task Force will issue a series of reports, examining various aspects of this difficult situation. We are conducting research on the experiences and views of members of the Columbia community and are analyzing a range of university policies and practices. This first report considers Columbia’s rules on demonstrations. (4) We focus on Columbia’s rules, since our work on Barnard and Teachers Colleges’ rules is still at an early stage. (5)
Even though our charge is antisemitism, we know that Jews and Israelis are not the only ones targeted in this difficult time. Heartbreak, fear, and loss are widely shared experiences both on and off campus. Although our report focuses on antisemitism, our recommendations can also bolster efforts to combat Islamophobia, anti-Arab racism, and other types of bigotry. We condemn all these toxic forms of hate and look forward to working with colleagues, and partnering on initiatives, to counter it across the University. Together, we must strengthen the fabric of our University community for all.
(3) The phrase “Columbia affiliate” in this report includes students, faculty, and staff of Columbia University (including Columbia University Medical Center), Barnard College and Teachers College.
(5) Teachers College and Barnard College are affiliates of Columbia University and separate 501(c)(3) entities.
I. Executive Summary
The University’s rules on demonstrations must accomplish three critical goals: first, safeguarding every Columbia affiliate’s right to protest, regardless of their viewpoint; second, ensuring that protests do not interfere with the rights of other Columbia affiliates to speak, teach, research, and learn; and, third, combating discrimination and harassment, including antisemitic harassment.
To protect every Columbia affiliate’s right to protest, while also ensuring that protests do not interfere with the free speech rights and academic freedom of others, the University must regulate the timing and location of protests. We support a “speaker’s corner” approach that permits protests in designated areas like the Sundial, South Lawn, and Futter Field, but not in academic buildings, libraries, dining halls, or dormitories. Every Columbia affiliate should have the right to protest in these designated areas, regardless of their cause or viewpoint. This is the approach of the new Interim Demonstrations Policies, and we consider them a major step forward. We also recommend clearer limits on the use of noise amplification and banners, as well as a minimum distance between competing protests.
Although we generally agree with the languageof the University’s rules, we have serious concerns about their enforcement. The University generally has not tried to stop violations as they have occurred, and instead has focused on imposing discipline after the fact. The priority during protests has been to avoid violence and escalation. In our view, avoiding violence is necessary, but not sufficient. The University also needs to keep protests from interfering with the rights of others to speak, teach, research, and learn. So the University should do more to stop unauthorized protests as they occur, using approaches that are effective but not confrontational. For example, if protesters gather in an academic building, they should be told that they are violating the rules and given the opportunity to leave within a specified period of time (e.g., ten minutes). Those who remain should be required to show IDs and given a warning, followed by discipline for subsequent violations.
In addition to doing more to stop rule violations as they occur, the University needs to be more effective at investigating and enforcing violations after the fact. We recommend a simpler process for filing complaints, more flexible deadlines for adjudicating them, more effective use of informal processes, and aggregate reporting on the results. Unlike most other universities, Columbia uses a separate disciplinary process for rules on protests, which is coordinated by the University Senate. Since this process has rarely been used, robust efforts are needed to make sure it works, including rigorous training, safeguards to ensure consistent treatment, and periodic reviews of the process.
In addition to free speech rights and free speech responsibilities, the University’s rules ban discrimination and harassment, as required under Title VI (6) and other laws. Since the University’s legal team is responsible for legal compliance, they should clarify what speech contributes to a hostile learning or working environment. Like in the gender-based misconduct rules, the University should offer “scenarios.” These clear cases should illustrate what violates our rules and what does not, so adjudicators can consider whether a particular incident, which may be harder to classify, is more like the “good” or “bad” scenarios. These scenarios should be about all protected classes, not just Israelis and Jews.
Indeed, to comply with the law, the University must be consistent in its treatment of different protected classes. For example, if members of a protected class say that particular phrases or comments interfere with their ability to learn and work, should the University defer to them? Or should the University focus instead–not on how the protected class hears these words–but on what the speakers intend in saying them? In recent years, it has become increasingly common at Columbia to defer to a protected class’s views. But when some Israeli and Jewish Columbia affiliates have complained about phrases or comments in recent months, the response has been different, defending the intentions and free speech rights of the speakers. While there are important reasons to value the perspective of both the speaker and the audience, the University must be consistent in its approach.
Finally, it is worth emphasizing that even when offensive words are permissible under the University’s rules, they may still be disappointing or even reprehensible. In discussing difficult issues, we should always strive to state our position with civility and collegially.
Part II of this report identifies key principles the rules need to uphold. Part III emphasizes the critical role of content- and viewpoint-neutral “time, place, and manner” restrictions, and recommends ways to make them more effective. Part IV focuses on antidiscrimination rules, analyzing how the University can effectively combat harassment while also protecting free speech rights.
In writing this report, the Task Force has benefited enormously from repeated consultations with the Office of the President, the Office of the Provost, University Life, faculty members of the University Senate, the Kraft Center, and members of task forces at other universities, as well as deans, senior administrators, faculty members, alumni, staff, and students from across the University, including in listening sessions we have been holding across the campus. We are deeply grateful for the valuable insights so many have shared, and appreciate their staunch commitment to addressing the challenges considered in this report.
Before turning to our analysis, we should clarify its scope. This report discusses general issues of policy, not specific protests or other incidents from recent months. This focus reflects the Task Force’s charge. We were convened to perform an important but limited task: to gain a deeper understanding of the situation on campus and to make recommendations about how the University should respond. We do not have management authority, and we are not an adjudicative body. Therefore, we do not offer public comments “in real time.” For the same reason, this report addresses broad challenges, instead of particular events.
A number of rules are not analyzed in this report, including those governing the recognition and discipline of student groups, classroom conduct, off-campus activity, and social media. In future reports, we will consider some of these other rules, as well as other issues.
Footnotes
(6) As the Department of Justice has explained, “Title VI, 42 U.S.C. § 2000d et seq., was enacted as part of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964. It prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, and national origin in programs and activities receiving federal financial assistance.” Civil Rights Division U.S. Dep’t of Justice, Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
II. Three Fundamental Principles
Before turning to the specifics of our rules, we begin with basic principles. Our rules must embody an unshakeable commitment to three core ideas: first, the right to free speech and academic freedom; second, the responsibility to respect the free speech rights and academic freedom of others; and, third, our communal commitment to antidiscrimination.
A. Free Speech Rights
The mission of a great university is to expand the frontiers of knowledge and to educate future generations. This mission requires uncompromising rigor in uncovering facts and analyzing ideas. Truth is found not by seeking to justify what we want to believe, but by constantly testing, and then updating, our knowledge and understanding.
This timeless process can function effectively only if our minds remain open. There can be no orthodoxies. The fact that an idea is widely accepted should not exempt it from scrutiny. The fact that an idea is controversial, or even offensive, should not render it off limits. “The right of members of our university to share views that may be unpopular or deemed offensive,” observed the seventeen deans of our faculties and schools in a recent statement, “is protected and fundamental to an academic community that depends on the free exchange of views and ideas.” (7) In the words of Section 440 of the Senate’s Rules of University Conduct, “the University is a place for received wisdom and firmly held views to be tested, and tested again, so that members of the University community can listen, challenge each other, and be challenged in return.” This bedrock principle of academic freedom must never be compromised.
B. Free Speech Responsibilities
Just as we all have the right to speak our minds in pursuit of truth, we also have the responsibility to respect–indeed, to protect–this right for other Columbia affiliates. Needless to say, violence, threats, and intimidation also have no place at a great university.
In addition, our right to speak must not come at the expense of the right of others to speak, teach, research, and learn. We must not use the “heckler’s veto” to shout down other speakers, tear down or deface posters, disrupt classrooms, or impede other essential functions of the University. These “rules of the road,” which are known as “time, place, and manner” restrictions, are essential to the academic enterprise. Intellectual inquiry cannot proceed without them.
These limits, which protect all of us, are not about what we say, but about where, when, and how we say it. Every Columbia affiliate has the right to explore and defend the causes they cherish. But no one has the right to drown out other voices or interfere with the University ’s teaching mission. As Section 440 of the Rules of University Conduct explains, “The right to demonstrate, for example, cannot come at the expense of the right of others to counter-demonstrate, to teach, or to engage in academic pursuits requiring uninterrupted attention.”
These limits must be applied consistently and evenhandedly. It would be unacceptable for them to be invoked selectively to silence particular voices. Rather, time, place, and manner restrictions must be content- and viewpoint-neutral.
C. Antidiscrimination
Just as we cherish and nurture the pursuit of truth, we also are committed to treating all members of our community with respect. Every Columbia affiliate deserves to feel safe. They must know that they belong here. The University must be a welcoming home to all students, faculty, and staff, regardless of their race, national origin, gender, religion, sexual orientation, age, disability, military service, or other legally protected status. This obligation flows not only from our values, but also from Title VI, Title IX, and other federal, state, and local laws.
To discharge this obligation, the University does not guarantee that others will always agree with us. This surely will not happen and, in a place of intellectual ferment, it should not happen. Each of us will encounter ideas and perspectives we reject–indeed, even ones we find offensive. This is part of the compact we make with each other: everyone can express their views.
But harassment and discrimination cannot be tolerated. Nor should anyone be free to engage in violence or to call for violence against members of our community or groups to which they belong. This reprehensible conduct denies members of our community the experience they deserve.
III. Enhancing the University’s Time, Place, and Manner Restrictions
To operationalize these three essential commitments–free speech rights, free speech responsibilities, and antidiscrimination–the University needs effective rules of the road. These “time, place, and manner” restrictions are an essential protection for every member of our community, so the University has to ensure that they are effective.
A. Timing & Location of Demonstrations
Every Columbia affiliate must have the right to engage in peaceful protests. But although this is a proud tradition at Columbia, it must not interfere with the rights of other Columbia affiliates to speak, teach, research, and learn. To protect this right for everyone, the University needs to specify when and where demonstrations are permitted.
In our view, demonstrations should not be allowed in academic buildings, libraries, dormitories, or dining halls, as well as too close to the entrances to these buildings. (8) Unfortunately, this has not always been the practice in recent months.
The right place for demonstrations is in outdoor spaces like the South Lawn and the Sundial in Columbia’s Morningside campus, Futter Field in Barnard’s campus, and comparable locations on other campuses. (9) The locations should be prominent. Our goal is not to consign demonstrations to remote locales where they will go unnoticed. Yet the location must ensure that demonstrations do not interfere with classroom learning and other essential functions of the University.
In this spirit, Section 443(14) of the Rules of University Conduct renders it a violation when someone “incident to a demonstration . . . disrupts a University function or renders its continuation impossible.” This is the right principle.
To operationalize this principle more effectively, we recommend focusing more explicitly on location. After all, a standard based solely on “disruption” can be ambiguous, and can require more nuanced fact-finding. For example, some participants in a demonstration in an academic building might claim that, unlike others, they were speaking in a low voice and thus were not disruptive. Sorting out these facts is not always easy. In contrast, the question of where a protest was, and whether someone actually attendedit, is easier to answer. (10)
As a result, we are pleased that Columbia and Barnard’s new Interim Demonstrations Policies adopt this location-based approach, requiring demonstrations to be in “Demonstration Areas” (East South Lawn, West South Lawn, and the Sundial on Columbia’s Morningside campus and Futter Field on Barnard’s campus) at designated times, inviting members of the community to reserve these spaces, and guaranteeing access to them regardless of the views expressed in the demonstration. We consider this a major step forward in Columbia and Barnard’s efforts to protect the free speech rights and academic freedom of every member of our community.
B. Sound Enhancement
Keeping demonstrations outside academic buildings protects everyone’s rights by putting distance between demonstrations and academic work. Yet sound amplification systems and megaphones can negate this distance. As a result, “a noise that substantially hinders others in their normal academic activities” is a violation under Section 443(12) of the Rules of University Conduct, and rightly so.
More specific guidance should be offered about what sound enhancement (if any) is permitted. (11) While it can help protesters hear speakers, it also can disturb Columbia affiliates in nearby classrooms, dormitories, or libraries. For this reason, Barnard’s Interim Demonstration Policy provides that “those participating in registered Demonstrations may not use noise amplification (e.g., megaphones, bull horns, etc.) or sound machines (e.g., pots, pans, instruments, etc.) during Demonstrations.”
C. Safety, Notice, and Physical Separation
The University’s highest priority must always be physical safety. When members of our community exercise their right to protest, they must be free to do so in safety and without fear. Unfortunately, this has not always been the case in recent months, and this is not acceptable.
To be fully prepared to guarantee safety during demonstrations, the University requires notice of when they will take place. The new Interim Demonstrations Policies generally require two business days, which we think is reasonable.
The rules also must ensure a minimum distance between competing protests. While Section 443(18) of the Rules of University Conduct authorizes rules delegates to give reasonable orders to keep protests apart, we recommend also specifying a minimum distance and rigorously enforcing this rule.
D. Banners
Like the location of protests, the location of signs and banners should be subject to viewpoint- and content-neutral time, place, and manner rules. In general, holding signs and banners in authorized demonstrations should be permitted. But hanging banners on any interior or exterior surface of a building should be prohibited unless the administration of the relevant school has approved it.
E. Limiting Access to Campus
Columbia affiliates must be allowed to demonstrate on campus, as well as to invite speakers and a reasonable number of guests to participate in the demonstration. But aside from these invited guests, non-affiliates are not entitled to this privilege. Unfortunately, their participation can come at a cost, if only because they do not know the University’s rules and have less reason to abide by them. We realize that the need to present IDs can be inconvenient for Columbia affiliates and can affect the atmosphere on campus, but on balance we think the University generally should limit demonstrations to affiliates.
F. Enforcement During Demonstrations
While we generally agree with the language of the University’s rules, we have serious concerns about their enforcement. To the University’s credit, a senior team of administrators with different expertise and responsibilities has been meeting regularly to prepare for demonstrations, making daily (and at times even more frequent) judgments about staffing and other aspects of the University’s response. This degree of coordination is impressive. It signals how seriously the University takes these issues.
Nevertheless, enforcement has fallen short in two ways. First, the University has regularly failed to stop violations of rules as they occur. Second, there also have been challenges in imposing discipline after the fact. We discuss these two issues in turn.
1. “Real Time” Efforts to Prevent Protests in Academic Buildings
First, when an unauthorized demonstration is taking place, representatives of the University should intervene more proactively “in real time.” Obviously, these interventions are especially important to protect physical safety. In addition, we would prioritize interventions to prevent disruption of classes and other academic work, for instance, when there is an unauthorized demonstration in an academic building.
We recognize how challenging it can be for the University to manage and respond to demonstrations, and we truly appreciate the strenuous efforts of rules delegates and public safety officers in recent months. The volume of protests has spiked, and the campus climate is more tense than at any time in recent memory. Enforcing our rules, while also avoiding confrontation, is no easy task.
Even so, we urge these colleagues to be more ambitious. They should not be content just to “wait out” a demonstration and prevent violence. This sort of deescalatory posture is necessary, to be sure, but it is not sufficient. The University also has to prevent the disruption of classes and, more generally, to protect the academic freedom and free speech rights of the rest of the Columbia community.
2. Avoiding Physical Confrontation
To be clear, we are not recommending the forcible removal of protesters or routine reliance on the NYPD. On the contrary, the University should not repeat its overly aggressive response to protests over half a century ago in 1968. Physical interventions are appropriate only to break up fights and protect protesters and bystanders from violence. Our understanding is that this is the only circumstance in which public safety officers initiate physical contact, and we agree.
3. Better Nonconfrontational Approaches
Instead, the focus should be on developing better nonconfrontational options. We stand ready to offer input in analyzing alternatives. In that spirit, we recommend that rules delegates should tell demonstrators they are violating the rules, offer a card with the relevant rules, and ask them to disperse within a specified period of time (e.g., ten minutes). Protesters should also be told that names will have to be taken and disciplinary processes will have to be initiated for anyone who is still there after the specified time has elapsed. After this time has passed, if any protesters are still in the academic building, public safety officers should ask for their IDs. If the protesters refuse–a rule violation in and of itself–public safety officers should take their photos, a step that can help identify them even if they are masked.
Section 443(16)–(18) of the Rules of University Conduct authorize delegates of the University to regulate demonstrations in these and other ways. We understand that other universities have had some success with these sorts of steps. Fortunately, some of these steps are starting to be taken more frequently on our campus.
As long as this effort during a demonstration is paired with effective investigation and adjudication after it is over, as discussed below, we expect that most protesters will choose to comply with the rules. This should be all the more true because they can still hold demonstrations: these protests simply have to be during designated hours in authorized locations (e.g., on South Lawn or Futter Field), and not in academic buildings, libraries, dorms, and the like.
4. Expertise, Conflicts of Interest, and the Number of Rules Delegates
The steps suggested above should be assigned to professionals with the right expertise. In recent years, our rules delegates have been student affairs professionals. They are well suited to make an initial approach, gently reminding students of the rules, as well as of the prospect of discipline for protests in academic buildings. In contrast, public safety officers have a comparative advantage in the subsequent steps of asking for IDs and taking photographs.
In assigning roles, the University should consider how responsibilities at protests interact with a rules delegate’s other responsibilities. For example, student affairs professionals may be wary of confronting student protesters, worrying that a negative encounter may undercut their effectiveness in other work with these students. Unfortunately, student affairs professionals also face another risk: failure to intervene–and, indeed, the perception that they implicitly endorse rules violations–can undermine their relationship with other students.
One way to address this challenge is to staff protests with rules delegates from other schools. For example, if there is an unauthorized protest at the law school, the rules delegates assigned to it could be from the business school, and vice versa. Our understanding is that this already is the University’s practice.
Another solution is to broaden the pool of rules delegates, so they include colleagues whose other responsibilities do not create this potential tension. Another advantage of broadening the pool in this way is that rules delegates may benefit from having a wider range of expertise within their ranks.
The University should also invest more resources in this effort. Currently, the compensation for rules delegates is a modest stipend, so more may be warranted in the current climate. We also need more of them, at least in the current environment. The increased number of protests poses the risk of burnout for a small group. In addition, the more proactive approach recommended here may require a larger presence at unauthorized protests.
5. Communal Support for This Effort
While rules delegates and public safety officers play a central role in enforcing time, place, and manner restrictions, they cannot do this alone. The rest of our community must support them in this effort. Every Columbia affiliate has a stake in protecting the right to protest, while also ensuring that protests do not interfere with the free-speech rights and academic freedom of others.
Unfortunately, some faculty and administrators have failed to convey this message. When they speak at unauthorized demonstrations, or when they help shield the identity of students who are violating the University’s rules, their apparent endorsement of unauthorized protests sends a confusing signal to students. In response, we encourage deans and department chairs to communicate the importance of time, place, and manner rules, while also discouraging colleagues from undercutting these rules.
G. Enforcement After Demonstrations
In addition to intervening “in real time,” the University also must take the right steps after the fact. The University must investigate incidents, initiate disciplinary processes, and impose sanctions when warranted. Yet unfortunately, we are concerned that these efforts after an incident are falling short in four ways, which we discuss in turn. We would be pleased to work with the Administration and the Senate to explore alternatives for addressing these problems.
1. Identifying Masked Demonstrators
First, our understanding is that investigating incidents has been a challenge in part because many demonstrators have been masked. A more proactive effort is needed to identify them during demonstrations, as noted above.
2. Deadlines
Second, Columbia’s deadlines in the Rules of University Conduct are too tight. “Generally, . . . [i]nvestigation begins within five (5) business days after an incident” and is supposed to be “completed within fifteen (15) business days after the investigation begins.” (12)
We understand why the drafters of this timetable did not want unnecessary delays. Speed ensures that memories are fresh, respondents are not subjected to a protracted process, and any necessary discipline is administered promptly.
However, the general timeline in the rules is too short. For one thing, this timeline implicitly assumes that complaints will be filed almost immediately, so investigations can begin within five days. But this is not realistic. For some potential complainants, the incident they need to report was upsetting, even traumatic. They need time to process what happened, and may simply not feel ready to file a report right away. In other cases, complainants do not even know that they are supposed to file or, for that matter, how to do so.
In addition, tight deadlines also create the wrong incentives for colleagues investigating these incidents. If they wait too long, they lose the ability to bring an action. In response, they may be tempted to initiate proceedings before they have all the facts. These facts are not always easy to gather, especially when potential respondents are masked. Indeed, just figuring out who they are can take time. Pushing for an immediate judgment, which is made merely to meet the relevant deadlines, is not in anyone’s interest.
There are a number of ways to address this issue. At a minimum, the timeline in the rules should be treated as aspirational, not binding. This reading is plausible because the rules use the phrase “generally” to modify the timeline. But instead of merely relying on this interpretation, we recommend that the schedule should be adjusted. The Senate should coordinate with the Rules Administrator to determine what the new timeline should be.
We understand from members of the Senate Executive Committee that they expect reasonable extensions to be granted. While this is helpful, the process for granting extensions should be clarified. For example, the Rules Administrator should not have to wait until after the adjudication has begun. Otherwise, there is a possibility that the extension will be denied after the parties have invested significant effort to prepare. Rather, extensions should be granted (or denied) at an earlier stage. Our understanding is that this sort of process has been developed, but we think a more general (and nondiscretionary) adjustment to the deadlines would be a more transparent and administrable solution.
3. Informal Processes
While the rules provide for formal disciplinary processes, they also offer the option of informal resolutions. (13) Our understanding is that these informal processes have been by far the most common method of resolving issues over the years.
Yet unfortunately, a number of students have not participated in informal proceedings in recent months, a choice our rules currently allow them to make. (14) This is a missed opportunity. Informal proceedings let students learn the rules and commit to follow them in the future, while avoiding lasting reputational consequences. The University also avoids the burden of a formal proceeding. Given these mutual benefits, the rules should do more to encourage informal resolutions. We recommend that respondents should be required to meet with the Rules Administrator. To be clear, we would not require them to agree to an informal resolution, but to attend an informal meeting.
In addition, the rules should clarify that even when a respondent refuses to meet, the Rules Administrator still has authority to issue a formal warning, assuming the alleged violation is simple (not serious) and is the respondent’s first violation. Otherwise, the Rules Administrator would be encouraged to proceed with formal charges even when she considers these steps unnecessary.
Likewise, the rules should clarify that even when a respondent refuses to meet, the Rules Administrator has the authority to keep records of the incident. We understand that some respondents have asserted that the Rules Administrator does not have authority to retain records in this situation. But these records are necessary: if the respondent is later involved in another incident, the Rules administrator needs to be able to take the informal resolution and the warning into account.
4. An Untested Process
Unlike most other universities, Columbia uses a separate process, coordinated by the University Senate, when individuals are charged with violating rules governing protests. Although a version of this process has existed for many years, it has been used only a handful of times since it was significantly modified in 2015, and not at all during the Fall Semester. In contrast, the University’s other disciplinary processes are used much more regularly. (15)
Since this process is largely untested–with all the downsides that entails– strenuous efforts are needed to ensure that it is effective. For one thing, rigorous training is essential. After all, unlike the experienced decisionmakers in the University’s other disciplinary processes, a number of the members of the Senate’s Judicial Board–a body that includes faculty, students, and administrators–presumably have relatively little experience adjudicating disputes.
Clear delineation of institutional roles is also important. For example, the Senate Rules Committee is responsible for drafting and revising rules, while the Judicial Board is responsible for adjudicating matters under the rules. It is important not to blur the lines between legislative and adjudicatory functions.
Sharing information internally also is critical. Unlike in the U.S. court system, where outcomes are publicly available, student discipline generally is confidential under the Family Educational Rights Privacy Act (“FERPA”). (16) Since there are no reported precedents, respondents cannot confirm that they have been treated the same way as similarly situated respondents. This must not be the case with members of the Judicial Board. They must have access to the necessary information, and we have been told that they do. This is essential, so members of the Judicial Board will know how similar incidents have been treated and treat them the same way. Indeed, consistency is not just a moral imperative, but also a legal requirement (e.g., since singling out a protected class for different treatment can violate Title VI).
As the Judicial Board gains experience, it is essential to review their decisions and address any issues that are identified. For example, we endorse the Senate Executive Committee’s commitment to conduct periodic reviews of Judicial Board decisions under Columbia’s Interim Demonstrations Policy.
H. Education About the Rules
To ensure that everyone complies with the rules, we need not just better enforcement, but also better education. A concerted effort is required to ensure that Columbia affiliates know the rules, as well as the rationale for them.
As we have emphasized, time, place, and manner restrictions are there to protect speech, not to suppress it. In a community where academic freedom and free speech are bedrock values, we should all comply with these restrictions not just to avoid discipline, but to honor our values and show respect for the rights of others.
Interim Provost Mitchell’s January message, summarizing key features of the rules governing demonstrations, was a productive step. We recommend additional efforts within every school and department to educate members of our community about the right way (and the wrong way) to exercise their free speech rights.
I. Simpler Process for Reporting
Under Columbia’s rules, filing a report is a key way to initiate investigations and disciplinary processes. Yet although Columbia affiliates are supposed to file a report when they witness a rule violation, many are not doing so. The University has already taken productive steps to address this problem, but more should still be done.
First, many Columbia affiliates do not understand the function of these reports. For example, some mistakenly assume that there is no reason to report something that administrators also witnessed. The (understandable) assumption is that if these administrators already know about a situation, there is no need to report it. But reports should be filed not just to inform those administrators, but also to initiate an investigation of (and, potentially, discipline for) the relevant incident. Administrators can ask for an investigation, and we encourage them to do so when one is warranted. But every Columbia affiliate has this power–not just administrators–and we should all use it.
Second, in addition to knowing why they should file, Columbia affiliates also need to know how to do it. This process should be simplified. At the moment, different forms are required for different types of violations. There are separate links for academic violations, discrimination by students, discrimination by faculty and staff, gender-based misconduct by students, gender-based misconduct by faculty and staff, and general concerns (including violations of the rules governing protests).
To help Columbia affiliates navigate this maze of reporting requirements, the University has put all of these links on a single webpage. They also have introduced a helpline, as well as a help desk, to guide members of our community in this process.
While these are productive steps, we recommend something more ambitious: the University should consolidate the various links and forms to a single one. After affiliates fill it out, an administrator should review it and route it to the appropriate department. This administrator will know–far more readily than a student–which rules and policies are implicated, as well as who should investigate and adjudicate it. By relieving the complainant of this obligation, the University can make filing a report easier, faster, and less daunting.
Finally, the University also should help Columbia affiliates understand what happens after they file a report, including what else may be expected of them. This process is not well understood, and there has been only limited communication after reports are filed.
J. Aggregate Reporting on Discipline
Another reason why some are not reporting violations is that they believe nothing will happen. This is problematic not only in discouraging reporting, but also in shaping perceptions of the University among important stakeholders, including current and potential students, faculty, staff, alumni, and parents. Even more importantly, this perception may induce students to violate rules. As a result, the University needs to share more information about the results of disciplinary processes.
Under FERPA, the University cannot share information about specific individuals. But there is no bar on aggregate reporting. On a regular basis, the University should share information about the number of disciplinary investigations underway, the number of adjudications, and the range of consequences administered, while also ensuring that this reporting is done in a way that respects the privacy of the individuals involved. Consistent with FERPA, the University also should communicate with those who have filed complaints, reassuring them that their concerns have been taken seriously.
Footnotes
(8) The University has legal obligations to ensure that entrances to these buildings are clear. For example, the University has to ensure that Columbia affiliates with disabilities have ready access to these entrances, as well as an obligation under Title VI to ensure that protected groups have access to educational opportunities, and thus to these buildings.
(9) In choosing the right locations in the health sciences campus, the University must also account for the needs of patients.
(10) Some nondisruptive forms of expression should be permitted in an academic building, such as wearing a particular T-shirt or pin.
(11) This guidance could appear either in an updated version of the Demonstrations Policy or as an addition to Rule 443(12).
(13) Rules of University Conduct, Sec. 445(a) (authorizing Rules Delegate to “organize informal settlements”); see also Sec. 447 (providing for informal resolutions).
(14) Rules of University Conduct, Sec. 446 (“A respondent may decline to participate in the investigative or adjudicative process.”).
(15) Dean’s discipline” is used for academic, behavioral, and other student misconduct (e.g., plagiarism, vandalism, discrimination, harassment, etc.). The University also has other processes for student gender-based misconduct. Misconduct, including discrimination, involving faculty and other employees is addressed through a separate track.
In addition to free speech rights and free speech responsibilities, our rules also advance a third principle: our collective opposition to discrimination and harassment. Columbia University’s Non-discrimination Statement and Policy bans discrimination based on a number of protected statuses, including “citizenship status; . . .color; . . . disability; familial status; gender (sex); gender identity; . . . national origin; . . . race; religion; . . . sexual orientation; . . . veteran or active military status; or any other applicable, legally protected status.”
A. Discrimination and Harassment are Not Protected Speech
So although the University must protect speech vigorously, it does not do so absolutely. While we all pledge to tolerate speech that we consider misguided or even offensive–in a collective commitment to protect everyone’s right to speak their minds and pursue the truth–the University does not tolerate speech that constitutes discrimination or harassment against protected classes. This commitment is grounded not only in our collective values, but also in the law.
Indeed, a key function of the University’s antidiscriminaton rules is to comply with Title VI, as well as with other federal, state, and local laws. While the University has latitude to offer more protection against discrimination than the law requires, it cannot offer less.
So even as the Rules of University Conduct protect free speech rights, the Affirmative Statement in Rule 440 acknowledges that “the University may restrict expression that constitutes a genuine threat of harassment,” recognizing that harassment does “little if anything to advance the University’s truth-seeking function” and “impair[s] the ability of individuals at the University to participate in that function.”
Under federal, state, and local law, discrimination and harassment can be caused not just by conduct, but also by speech. Applying these rules, the University defines “discriminatory harassment” to include “unwelcome conduct” that is “verbal” as well as “physical”:
“Subjecting an individual to unwelcome conduct, whether verbal or physical, that creates an intimidating, hostile, or abusive working, learning or campus living environment; that alters the conditions of employment or education; or unreasonably interferes with an individual’s work or academic performance on the basis of the individual’s membership in a protected class is harassment which is a form of discrimination.” (Emphasis added.) (17)
Applying Title VI and other applicable laws, University policies include speech of various kinds in their definition of harassment:
Harassment may include, but is not limited to: verbal abuse, epithets, or slurs; negative stereotyping; threatening, intimidating, and hostile acts; denigrating jokes; insulting or obscene comments or gestures; and the display or circulation of written or graphic material (including in hard copy, by email or text; or through social media) that denigrates or shows hostility or aversion toward an individual or group members of a protected class. (18)
The University’s antidiscrimination rules are administered by the University’s general disciplinary processes (“dean’s discipline” for students, and human resources processes for faculty and staff under the Equal Opportunity and Affirmative Action Office or “EOAA”), not the special rules for protests (such as the Senate’s Rules of University Conduct and the new Interim Demonstrations Policy). This division of labor reflects the reality that antidiscrimination rules enforce federal, state, and local law, so the Office of the General Counsel and the Administration need to take the lead in drafting and administering them. The same is true of the University’s rules policing gender-based misconduct under Title IX. As a result, the student conduct standards expressly provide that “behavior listed in this section [including discriminatory harassment] that occurs in conjunction with” alleged violations of rules governing protests “may be adjudicated” through dean’s discipline. (19)
B. Need for Guidance On What Constitutes Discriminatory Harassment
We urge the University to provide more guidance on the meaning of “discriminatory harassment,” including antisemitic harassment. What kind of speech “creates an intimidating, hostile, or abusive working, learning or campus living environment” under Title VI?
The University’s definition of harassment states that “epithets or slurs” clearly can contribute to a hostile learning and working environment. Obviously, it violates the rules to approach a Jewish student and say, “F*** the Jews,” just as it would violate the rules to make this sort of offensive comment to a member of any protected class.
The definition of harassment also includes “negative stereotyping” and “insulting . . . comments.” So when Jewish students walk by a group that is protesting against policies of the Israeli government, the rules are violated if the protesters heckle these students by attributing Israel’s policies to them (e.g., “you bomb hospitals”).
The same is true when assumptions are made about Israeli faculty members, students, and staff, including those in joint programs with Israeli universities, just because these Columbia affiliates have served in the military. Since most Israelis are required to serve in the military, calls to exclude Israeli veterans from campus apply to nearly all Israeli Columbia affiliates. Making assumptions about Columbia affiliates based solely on their country of origin or military service can constitute discrimination based on national origin or military service under the University’s rules.
The University also has said that calls for genocide, like other incitement to violence, violate the rules:
“Calls for genocide against the Jewish community or any other group are abhorrent, inconsistent with our values and against our rules. Incitement to violence against members of our community will not be tolerated.” (20)
While we agree with this principle, the application of it should be clarified. Obviously, the chants “gas the Jews” and “Hitler was right” are calls to genocide, but fortunately no one at Columbia has been shouting these phrases (though there are reports that these chants were used at another university). (21) Rather, many of the chants at recent Columbia protests are viewed differently by different members of the Columbia community: some feel strongly that these are calls to genocide, while others feel strongly that they are not.
At some point, courts and the Department of Education are likely to offer additional guidance illuminating the Title VI implications of these chants, as well as other speech and conduct at protests. (22) This would be helpful. In the interim, the University’s legal team should provide more guidance on this issue. Since this ultimately is a matter of legal compliance, we do not offer a detailed analysis here. Instead, we emphasize a few key points.
First, the University’s commitments to ban discrimination and to protect free speech are both foundational, so managing potential tensions between these commitments is not easy. Even as the University strives to protect free speech rights, it must also ensure compliance with antidiscrimination laws.
In addition, in pursuing these critically important goals, the University should aim to make the lines it draws as clear as possible, while recognizing that perfect clarity about every conceivable circumstance is not always possible. Even so, efforts to provide greater clarity help to provide fair notice, so Columbia affiliates have more of a sense of what is permissible (even if offensive) and what is not. Clearer guidance also helps colleagues who investigate potential incidents, so they know when alleged facts violate the rules. Likewise, greater clarity helps ensure that different adjudicators treat similar conduct the same way.
Recognizing the importance of clarity, the University’s rules on gender-based misconduct include “scenarios,” which illustrate what is permitted and what is not. (23) While these scenarios cannot govern every conceivable circumstance, and focus on relatively clear cases, they still lend clarity by illustrating general principles and inviting decisionmakers to consider whether a particular incident is more like one scenario (e.g., that is permitted) than another (e.g., that is not). To ensure that members of our community are aware of these rules, the University requires periodic online training for all members of the community. We recommend a similar effort for other types of discrimination, including antisemitic harassment. In the coming weeks, we would be pleased to work with the General Counsel’s office, University Life, and other colleagues to analyze these issues in more detail.
C. Consistency in the Treatment of Protected Classes
Needless to say, Jews and Israelis are not the only groups that could experience discriminatory harassment. The rules must defend all protected classes.
In applying the rules to different groups, the University has to make consistent judgments. Indeed, consistency is necessary as a way not just to keep faith with our values, but also to comply with Title VI and other applicable laws. In general, the University must provide the same level of protection to different protected classes. By affording vigorous protection to some, but not others, the University would violate Title VI.
As a result, speech or conduct that would constitute harassment if directed against one protected class must also be treated as harassment if directed against another protected class. This must be true not only in the way rules are written, but also in the way they are enforced.
In this spirit, the University needs to use the same methodology when deciding whether speech constitutes harassment. Should the focus be on the audience or the speaker? If members of a protected class say that particular phrases or comments cause them pain, should the University defer to them? Or should the University focus instead–not on how the protected class hears these words–but on what the speakers intend in saying them?
In recent years, it has become increasingly common at Columbia to defer to protected classes in defining which statements are considered biased or hateful, prioritizing the concerns of the audience (i.e., the protected class) over the intentions of the speaker. This approach has been evident, for instance, in discussions of policing, affirmative action, sexual assault, transgender rights, and other important issues.
But a different norm has applied to many Jewish and Israeli Columbia affiliates in recent months. When they have complained about phrases and statements that cause them pain, some students, faculty members, and staff have not deferred to their concerns. Instead, they have responded that the speakers actually mean something else, which is not offensive, or that the speakers have the right to speak their minds.
This is a challenging issue, since there are important reasons to value the perspective of both the speaker and the audience. But regardless of how this issue is resolved, the University needs to be consistent in its approach.
D. Consistency and Expertise in Investigation and Adjudication
The University has an office that investigates and adjudicates gender-based harassment and discrimination under Title IX (the Office of Gender-Based Misconduct), and different offices that investigate and adjudicate harassment and discrimination under Title VI (the EOAA process for faculty and staff and the dean’s discipline process for students). It is important to ensure that comparably rigorous levels of training are provided to these colleagues, and that consistent standards are used for different protected classes.
In pursuing these goals, the University should draw on its experience in administering Title IX. For example, the University can consider using a similar structure (e.g., a separate office), as well as similar training and staffing strategies. There may also be synergies in closer coordination of these efforts.
E. Values as Well as Rules
Finally, it is important to emphasize that the question of what the rules allow is not the same as the question of what members of our community actually should say and do. We all have the right to take controversial positions, and rightly so. We even have the right to say offensive things.
But with rights of free expression come responsibilities, including to consider the effects of our expression on others. We should never be indifferent to the pain and discomfort our words cause, regardless of the ideas we seek to advance. Indeed, whether we are passionate in defending the rights of Israelis, Palestinians, or anyone else, we should recognize that others have convictions that are just as heartfelt. Even as we disagree, we should still respect each other’s feelings. An institution of higher learning is an appropriate place to learn these responsibilities.
Columbia affiliates must never shy away from the great issues of the day. Our University must always strive to shed the light of reason on the defining challenges of our time. To advance our mission, we must be willing to express strong views, follow evidence and arguments where they lead, and confront painful truths. As part of this process, members of our community inevitably will disagree.
But even as we express competing views, the University is at its best when we all strive to state our position with civility and collegially. Making the case in this way shows not only skill as an advocate, but also human decency and respect for shared values. As Columbia’s seventeen deans recently said, “the grace of compassionate engagement should be extended to all members of our community in equal measure.”
(20) Event Policy and Campus Resources FAQs (What is Columbia doing to address antisemitism on campus, and what is Columbia’s reaction to calls for genocide against Jews?).
(22) The Department of Education has already indicated that even speech protected under the First Amendment can still create a hostile learning environment under Title VI. In these circumstances, if universities cannot stop this speech, they are expected to condemn it.
In the last few days, a number of cyberattacks against Israeli universities and colleges were reported.
One report revealed that the hacktivist group Ghosts of Palestine claimed responsibility for the cyberattacks on prominent educational institutions, such as the Weizmann Institute of Science, Tel Aviv University, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Technion Israel Institute of Technology, Ben Gurion University, University of Haifa, and Bar Ilan University. The group posted on the dark web a note titled “Big Israeli University Cyber Attack,” claiming that the hack was a “response to Israel’s alleged genocidal campaign in Gaza.” The group also draws attention to the dire situation in Sudan.
This latest cyberattack on Israeli universities, according to the report, comes amidst a surge in cyber aggression orchestrated by various hacker collectives united under the banner of “Rise Of The Leaders.” Spearheaded by the IRoX Team-Elite Hackers. This collaboration aims to mobilize Muslim cyber warriors in launching coordinated cyber assaults against Israel. Among them, Anonymous Sudan, KillNet, and Moroccan Black Cyber; these cyber adversaries have officially declared a “cyber war” on Israel, posing a significant threat to its digital sovereignty and infrastructure.
Another report pointed to the Iranians, who are again attacking Israel in cyberspace. In recent days, Iranian hackers broke into the IT systems of many colleges in Israel, collected a lot of data, some of it private, and boasted about it on social media. The hack was carried out through the supply chain: the hackers penetrated the IT system of Rashim, a subsidiary of Malam Team, a leading IT services group in Israel, and from there – to its customers. The hackers are members of the Nemesis Kitten group. It is sometimes designated as DEV-0270, and is a subset of the Iranian threat actor Phosphorus, known as someone who carries out malicious network operations, including extensive vulnerability scanning, with the backing and patronage of the Iranian government. In 2022, the group was revealed as having conducted several ransom-type offensive campaigns. The purpose was not to receive the ransom but to infiltrate the victims’ computer systems. In the past, researchers estimated that Nemesis Kitten operates under two public aliases – Secnerd and Lifeweb. These organizations are linked to the Najee Technology Hooshmand – an alleged “company” operating in the central province of Karaj, Iran. Recently, Nemesis Kitten members bragged about their success on Darknet and social media, posting messages and videos. One of the videos shows how they infiltrated Rashim’s management system and deleted the material on their servers. According to the hackers, they accessed Ariel University, Sapir College, Beit Berl, Daat Nissim, Gur Ashdod, the Hamdat Academic College, the Israel College, the Police College in Beit Shemesh and Sakhnin College, among others.
In 2020, the Malam Team group acquired Rashim – Information Systems Planning and Implementation, the provider of computer solutions to academic administration for higher education institutions, as well as training and skills management. The system has over 200 thousand users – students, employees, lecturers, instructors, and administrative and management employees. The company’s clients include some of the leading academic institutions in Israel, including Ariel University, Oranim College, al-Qasemi College, the Kibbutzim Seminary, David Yellin College, Sami Shimon College in the Negev, Tel Hai College, Levinsky College, the Holon Institute of Technology and dozens of other colleges. Rashim’s solution is also used in the training bodies of the National Police College and the Airport Authority. Rashim stated in response that the company “experienced a cyber incident, which affected some of its customers. All customers, the Authority for the Protection of Privacy and the National Cyber System have been updated. We are working to handle the incident comprehensively and thoroughly through a dedicated cyber intervention team, until full activity is restored.”
The University of Haifa reported suspicions of cyberattacks causing disruptions in online services and interruptions of lectures. It told students that “all Israeli universities suffered a Denial of Service (DDOS) attack as a result of hostile elements overloading the communication channel between Europe and MAHBA, the universities’ Internet provider. The load gradually decreased as a result of the activity carried out by GEANT (the European internet provider for the Israeli MAHBA).”
Similarly, the Times Higher Educationreported that in the UK, a group of hackers had taken responsibility for a cyberattack disrupting the internet connectivity at the Universities of Cambridge and Manchester. The group, “Anonymous Sudan,” a notorious hacktivist group that has previously caused widespread outages on X, formerly Twitter, claimed it is because of the “U.K.’s continued support for Israel.” According to the BBC’s cyber correspondent, the hackers targeted these universities specifically “because they are the biggest ones” they could find. Cambridge University reported a malicious Denial-of-Service attack, making the internet access intermittent.
In April last year, a coordinated cyberattack by the hacker group “Anonymous Sudan” claimed responsibility for taking down the websites of major Israeli universities, including Tel Aviv University, the Hebrew University, Ben-Gurion University, the Weizmann Institute, the Open University of Israel and Reichman University. “Anonymous Sudan” stated on its Telegram account that the “Israel education sector has been dropped because of what they did in Palestine.” Last year, the hacker group DarkBit attacked Israel’s Technion and demanded over $1.7 million in ransom. DarkBit has demanded 80 bitcoins ($1,729,320) as ransom. The group has also said that the amount will go up by 30% if the ransom is not received within 48 hours. “You will receive a decrypting key after the payment,” they wrote. Iran is said to be behind this attack. According to reports, the Technion refused to pay the ransom.
The cyberattacks against Israeli institutions of higher learning are part of the war against Israel and the efforts of Palestinians and pro-Palestinians to harm Israel in any possible way. Ironically, the attacks on Sakhnin and al-Qasemi colleges show that the Palestinian and pro-Palestinian hackers make no distinction between Jews and Arabs in Israel.
Ghosts of Palestine Launches Cyberattack on Israeli Universities in Protest
The hacktivist group Ghosts of Palestine has claimed responsibility for the cyberattack on Israeli universities targeting prominent educational institutions.
The list of targets includes the Weizmann Institute of Science, Tel Aviv University, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Technion Israel Institute of Technology, Ben Gurion University, University of Haifa, and Bar Ilan University.
The group made its declaration about the cyberattack on Israeli universities via a post on the dark web titled “BIG ISRAELI UNIVERSITY CYBER ATTACK,” asserting their actions as a response to Israel’s alleged genocidal campaign in Gaza and drawing attention to the dire situation in Sudan.
In-detail: Cyberattack on Israeli Universities
In a message posted on the dark web, the Ghosts of Palestine asserted their cyberattack as a protest against Israel’s perceived genocidal campaign on Gaza and drew attention to the dire situation in Sudan. Signed off as “Anonymous Sudan,” the group claimed responsibility for any damage inflicted on Israeli universities, citing collateral damage in their pursuit of drawing global attention to their cause.
Source: Twitter
The extent of the cyberattack on Israeli universities and any compromised data remains undisclosed by the hacktivist group, leaving Israeli authorities and educational institutions grappling with the aftermath of the breach if happened.
Previous Cyberattack on Israel
This latest cyberattack on Israeli universities comes amidst a surge in cyber aggression orchestrated by various hacker collectives, united under the banner of “Rise Of The Leaders.” Spearheaded by the IRoX Team-Elite Hackers, this collaboration aims to mobilize Muslim cyber warriors in launching coordinated cyber assaults against Israel.
Meanwhile, reports indicate that the Israeli government has become a prime target in the crosshairs of multiple hacking groups,including Anonymous Sudan, KillNet, and Moroccan Black Cyber. These cyber adversaries have officially declared a “cyber war” on Israel, posing a significant threat to its digital sovereignty and infrastructure
Amidst the cyber onslaught, the conflict between Hamas and Israel has extended into cyberspace, with pro-Hamas hacker groups launching distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks targeting Israeli government and private websites.
While these cyberattacks on Israel have caused temporary disruptions, they have not had a lasting impact on Israel’s digital defenses. However, the escalation of cyber warfare highlights the severity of geopolitical tensions in the region, with cyberattacks serving as a weapon of choice for both state and non-state actors.
In response to the ongoing conflict, diplomatic efforts led by the United States, Qatar, and Egypt aim to secure a ceasefire and the release of hostages held by Hamas. Meanwhile, Ireland and Spain have called for the European Commission to assess Israel’s human rights compliance in Gaza, highlighting the international ramifications of the Israel-Hamas conflict.
As the cyber battlefield continues to evolve, the Israeli government and cybersecurity agencies remain vigilant in defending against cyber threats, emphasizing the importance of cybersecurity measures in safeguarding national security and digital infrastructure.
Media Disclaimer: This report is based on internal and external research obtained through various means. The information provided is for reference purposes only, and users bear full responsibility for their reliance on it. The Cyber Express assumes no liability for the accuracy or consequences of using this information
Amidst the ongoing Israel-Palestine conflict, a surge of hacktivists and ransomware groups has entered the arena, declaring a relentless wave of cyberattacks targeting both governmental and private entities with alarming frequency.
This development comes in the wake of the ongoing Israel-Palestine conflict, during which Palestinian militant factions, under the leadership of Hamas, launched a broad-scale offensive from the Gaza Strip into Israel.
Breaking through the heavily fortified Gaza-Israel barrier, they infiltrated nearby Israeli settlements and military bases. This aggressive move has exacerbated the Israel-Palestine war, intensifying hostilities between the two sides.
Israel-Palestine Conflict: The Digital Battlefield
Source: Twitter
Simultaneously, a wave of cyber warfare has unfolded, adding a new dimension to the ongoing Israel-Palestine conflict.
Over 35 pro-Palestine hacking groups have commenced a series of attacks on diverse targets within Israel, reported threat intelligence service Falconfeedsio.
These groups, while advocating for Palestinian interests, remain shrouded in mystery, their exact numbers and identities are yet to be verified.
Groups like ‘Ghosts of Palestine’ have successfully incapacitated the websites of Israel’s Education Ministry and Ministry of Foreign Affairs, rendering them unresponsive. Source: TwitterSource: Twitter
Additionally, the ‘Sylhet Gang-SG’ attempted to DDoS Ukrainian websites as a response to Ukraine’s support for Israel.Source: Twitter
The Israel-Palestine war have only increased the number of victims worldwide with many nations reporting cyber attacks and data breaches.
The hacker groups involved in the Israel-Palestine war are as follows:
The ripple effect of this cyber conflict extends beyond Israel’s borders. Approximately 70 incidents have been recorded involving hacktivist groups from Asia, targeting nations aligned with the U.S., including Israel, India, and France.
The Russian-backed ‘Killnet’ and ‘Usersec’ have set their sights on Israel’s banking and power sectors, while the ‘Indian Cyber Force’ directs its efforts towards Hamas’s official portal and several Indian governmental sites.
Among the 39 active hacker groups engaged in this Israel-Palestine war, a majority align with the Palestinian cause. Their targets encompass government, semi-government, and private entities in Israel, as well as governments and organizations supporting Israel globally.
The involvement of both pro-Russia and pro-Ukraine activist groups further complicates the Israel-Palestine conflict. ‘Usersec’, a pro-Russian hacktivist collective, joins forces with ‘Killnet‘ in targeting Israel, specializing in website defacements. The situation grows increasingly complex as Israel’s military amasses around 100,000 reserve troops near Gaza.
On the ground, the Israel-Palestine war continues to escalate. Fierce confrontations between Hamas fighters and Israeli forces persist in southern Israel, including areas like Karmia, Ashkelon, and Sderot. The current death toll stands at 413 Palestinians, according to health officials, and over 700 Israelis, according to media reports.
“The Israeli website ynet reported that at least 700 Israelis had been killed, over 2000 injured and dozens more captured in Hamas’s offensive on southern and central Israel. Haaretz reported 413 Palestinians in Gaza have been killed, 78 of whom are children”, reported The Wire.
Hamas’s surprise attack follows a period of heightened tensions triggered by Israeli settlers’ actions at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound. These incidents, coupled with a surge in Palestinian casualties at the hands of Israeli forces in recent months, form the backdrop of this tragic conflict.
The Israel-Palestine war has taken a perilous turn with the Gaza offensive and the cyber warfare that has followed. As both physical and digital battlefields evolve, it is still left to see what would be the outcome of this conflict between the two nations.
The Cyber Express is closely monitoring developments in the Israel-Palestine conflict and will promptly provide any latest updates on the matter.
Media Disclaimer: This report is based on internal and external research obtained through various means. The information provided is for reference purposes only, and users bear full responsibility for their reliance on it. The Cyber Express assumes no liability for the accuracy or consequences of using this information.
A group of hackers has taken responsibility for a cyberattack that disrupted internet connectivity at the Universities of Cambridge and Manchester, reportedly citing the “U.K.’s continued support for Israel.”
The disruption is the latest reported attack by Anonymous Sudan, a notorious hacktivist group that has previously caused widespread outages on X, formerly Twitter.
It disrupted internet connectivity at U.K. universities “because of the U.K.’s continued support of Israel” in the Gaza conflict, according to Joe Tidy, the BBC’s cyber correspondent.
In a post on X, he said the hackers targeted these universities specifically “because they are the biggest ones” they could find.
Cambridge reported a malicious denial-of-service attack that made internet access intermittent.
The Clinical School Computing Service, which provides IT services to staff and researchers in the university’s clinical school and beyond, said the disruption was largely over by Feb. 20 but some systems were still affected.
According to the university’s student newspaper, Varsity, Stuart Rankin, the head of user services at the university’s research computing services center, revealed that the incident was a distributed denial of service attack.
In an email, Rankin described it as a “deliberate flood of data generated by a large number of compromised machines on the internet.”
Manchester said the IT department was made aware of network connectivity problems on Feb. 19, which it later learned were caused by a cyberincident affecting both the university and its network provider.
With the availability of remote internet access affected, staff and students were initially advised to travel to campus to access university systems.
But in a post on X, the university said internet connectivity had stabilized overnight and off-campus access had been restored.
“We continue to work closely with our partners, including [the digital agency] Jisc, to continue to resolve any outstanding issues as quickly as possible and are continuing to monitor the situation today,” it said.
Despite its name, Anonymous Sudan is believed by experts to be unrelated to either the global hacking organization Anonymous or the country of Sudan. Instead, it has been linked to pro-Russian hacktivist collectives, with suggestions that it is funded by the Kremlin.
A Cambridge spokesman said, “The intermittent network access issues experienced by some users at the University of Cambridge in the last 24 hours have been resolved, and normal service should now be restored for centrally managed IT services.”
A spokesperson for Jisc, the U.K.’s higher education IT consortium, said that while disruption has been largely contained, the scale of the attack might also have impacted other institutions.
“Our dedicated cybersecurity incident response team is working directly with all affected organizations to mitigate the impact and protect against further disruption,” they added.
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https://www.maariv.co.il/business/tech/Article-1080217שיבושים בשירותים מקוונים וניתוקי הרצאות: חשד למתקפות סייבר על האוניברסיטאותאוניברסיטאות בישראל מדווחות על חשד למתקפות סייבר הגורמות לשיבושים בשירותים מקוונים וניתוקי הרצאות
ד”ר איתי גל
19:21 29/02/2024
אוניברסיטאות בישראל מדווחות הערב (חמישי) על חשד לתקיפות סייבר הגורמות לשיבושים בשירותים מקוונים וניתוקי הרצאות. כך לדוגמא, באוניברסיטת חיפה מסרו לסטודנטים כי “כל האוניברסיטאות ישראליות התקפת מניעת שירות (DDOS) כתוצאה מהעמסה של גורמים עוינים את ערוץ התקשורת בין אירופה לבין מחב”א, ספקית האינטרנט של האוניברסיטאות. העומס ירד בהדרגה כתוצאה מפעילות שבוצעה על ידי GEANT (המחב”א האירופאית שמהווה ספקית האינטרנט למחב”א)”.
רק לאחרונה זוהה גל של מתקפות חדשות העושות שימוש בנוזקת BiBi זוהה בימים האחרונים בישראל. מדובר בארבעה ואריאנטים חדשים של הנוזקה שאינם מזוהים ונתפסים על-ידי מנועי אנטי וירוס, לפי פלטפורמת VirusTotal.נוזקת ביבי היא נוזקה מסוג Wiper שנועדה למחוק ולהשחית נתונים במערכות המותקפות. בניגוד לסוגים אחרים של נוזקות, שמטרתן לגנוב או לרגל אחר נתונים, נוזקות מסוג Wiper נוצרות במיוחד כדי לגרום נזק, וקשה מאוד לשחזר את הנתונים שנפגעו בעיקבות התקיפה. נוזקת BiBi פותחה על ידי קבוצת האקרים המזוהים כפרו-חמאס עם פתיחת המלחמה באוקטובר, מתוך כוונה להביע תמיכה עם ארגון חמאס, והתקיפות התמקדו בחברות ישראליות במטרה לגרום להן לנזק רב ככל האפשר על-ידי מחיקת והשחתת נתוני קבצים ומידע ושיבוש מערכות הפעלה של חברות ישראליות ללא בקשת כופר.על הגילוי הראשון שכוון למערכות לינוקס כבר בתחילת המלחמה חתומה חברת הסייבר סקיוריטי ג’ו. בהמשך, פותחה גרסה של הנוזקה גם למערכות Windows.
לדברי עידן מליחי, חוקר אבטחה בחברת הסייבר CyFox, המתמחה באספקת פתרונות אבטחת מידע מבוססי בינה מלאכותית, “על רקע התמשכות המלחמה, הנוזקות החדשות שהתגלו, מכוונות לארגונים ישראלים קטנים עד גדולים, מתוך כוונה להרוס את מירב המידע והתוכן שיש בתשתיות החברה”. נכון לעכשיו, הוא אומר, טרם התגלו שמות של ארגונים אשר נתקפו על-ידי הוריאנטים החדשים של BiBi Wiper, אבל זה לא אומר שאין חברות כאלו.
על רקע מלחמת “חרבות ברזל”, מתקפות הסייבר בישראל עולות מדרגה והערב (חמישי), מספר אוניברסיטאות בישראל, בהן אוניברסיטת חיפה, דיווחו על חשד לתקיפות סייבר הגורמות לשיבושים בשירותים מקוונים וניתוקי הרצאות. כך פורסם ב”מעריב”.
על פי הדיווח, באוניברסיטת חיפה מסרו לסטודנטים כי “כל האוניברסיטאות ישראליות התקפת מניעת שירות (DDOS) כתוצאה מהעמסה של גורמים עוינים את ערוץ התקשורת בין אירופה לבין מחב”א, ספקית האינטרנט של האוניברסיטאות. העומס ירד בהדרגה כתוצאה מפעילות שבוצעה על ידי GEANT (המחב”א האירופאית שמהווה ספקית האינטרנט למחב”א)”.
כזכור, רק אתמול פרסמנו כי במסגרת מחקר שביצעה חברת מנדיאנט (Mandiant) השייכת לגוגל, זוהתה פעילות ריגול חמורה מצד קבוצת סייבר החשודה כאיראנית, הפועלת לכל הפחות מאז חודש יוני 2022 ותוקפת את מגזרי התעופה, החלל והביטחון במדינות במזרח התיכון, בפרט ישראל ואיחוד האמירויות, וייתכן שגם את טורקיה, הודו ואלבניה.
לפי הדו”ח, פעילות הסייבר משויכת לקבוצה איראנית הנקראת UNC1549 וקשורה לקבוצת Tortoiseshell שזוהתה בעבר עם משמרות המהפכה. הקשר למשמרות המהפכה האיראניות משמעותי בפרט על רקע מלחמת חרבות ברזל ולאור המתיחות בין ישראל ואיראן.
האקרים מאיראן פרצו למכללות בישראל – גנבו ומחקו נתונים רבים
הפריצה אירעה דרך שרשרת האספקה, בעקבות חדירה לראשים – חברה בת של מלם תים ● לפי ההאקרים, בסיסי הנתונים שאליהם הם הצליחו להשיג גישה כוללים את מכללת אריאל, מכללת ספיר, בית ברל ועוד
יוסי הטוני 03/03/2024 14:50
האיראנים שוב תוקפים את ישראל בסייבר.צילום: ShutterStock
האקרים איראניים פרצו בימים האחרונים למערכות ה-IT של מכללות רבות בישראל, קצרו נתונים רבים, חלקם פרטיים, והתפארו בכך במדיה החברתית – כך נודע לאנשים ומחשבים. הפריצה התבצעה במתכונת פריצה לשרשרת האספקה: ההאקרים חדרו למערך ה-IT של ראשים, חברה בת של מלם תים, ומשם – ללקוחות שלה.
ההאקרים הם חברי קבוצת חתלתול נמסיס (Nemesis Kitten). היא מסומנת לעתים כ-DEV-0270, ומהווה תת קבוצה של שחקן האיומים האיראני זרחן (Phosphorus). בעבר היא התפרסמה כמי שמבצעת פעולות רשת זדוניות, כולל סריקת פגיעויות נרחבת, בגיבוי ובחסות ממשלת איראן. ב-2022 נחשפה הקבוצה כמי שערכה כמה מסעות מתקפות מסוג כופרה, שמטרתן הייתה לא קבלת דמי כופר, אלא חדירה למערכי המחשוב של הקורבנות.
גופים שנפרצו על ידי ההאקרים צילום: צילום מסך
בעבר העריכו חוקרים שחתלתול נמסיס מופעל על ידי חברה שפועלת תחת שני כינויים ציבוריים – Secnerd ו-Lifeweb. ארגונים אלה קשורים ל-Najee Technology Hooshmand – “חברה” לכאורה, שפועלת במחוז מרכז, קראג’, שבאיראן.
אילו גופים נפרצו?
בסוף השבוע, חברי חתלתול נמסיס התרברבו בהצלחתם בדארקנט ובמדיה החברתית, ופרסמו הודעות וסרטונים. אחד הסרטונים מראה כיצד הם חדרו למערכת ניהול של ראשים, ומחקו את החומר שעל השרתים שלהם.
לפי ההאקרים, בסיסי הנתונים שאליהם הם הצליחו להשיג גישה כוללים, בין השאר, את מכללת אריאל, מכללת ספיר, בית ברל, דעת נסים, גור אשדוד, המכללה האקדמית חמדת, הקולג’ הישראלי, מכללת המשטרה בבית שמש ומכללת סח’נין.
מיהי ראשים?
ב-2020 רכשה קבוצת מלם תים את ראשים – תכנון וביצוע מערכות מידע, שעוסקת במתן פתרונות מחשוב בתחום המינהל האקדמי למוסדות להשכלה גבוהה, וניהול הדרכה וכשירויות בארגונים. ראשים הוקמה ב-1998 ונותנת פתרונות לארגוני אקדמיה, השכלה והדרכה. למערכת שפיתחה יש יותר מ-200 אלף משתמשים – סטודנטים, עובדים, מרצים, מדריכים, וכן עובדי מינהל והנהלה. על לקוחות החברה נמנים גופי אקדמיה מהמובילים בישראל, בהם אוניברסיטת אריאל, מכללת אורנים, מכללת אל קאסמי, סמינר הקיבוצים, מכללת דוד ילין, מכללת סמי שמעון בנגב, מכללת תל חי, מכללת לוינסקי, המכון הטכנולוגי חולון (HIT) ועשרות מכללות נוספות. הפתרון של ראשים מיושם גם בגופי ההדרכה הגדולים של המכללה הלאומית לשוטרים ושל רשות שדות התעופה.
מראשים נמסר בתגובה כי החברה “חוותה אירוע סייבר, שהשפיע על חלק מלקוחותיה. כלל הלקוחות, הרשות להגנת הפרטיות ומערך הסייבר הלאומי עודכנו. אנחנו פועלים לטיפול מקיף ויסודי באירוע באמצעות צוות התערבות סייבר ייעודי, עד להחזרת הפעילות המלאה”.
האקרים תקפו את אתרי האוניברסיטאות: “בגלל מה שהם עשו בפלסטין”
אתרי האוניברסיטאות הגדולות נפלו לאחר שהותקפו על ידי קבוצת האקרים המכנה את עצמה “אנונימוס סודן”. “סקטור החינוך בישראל קרס בגלל מה שהם עשו בפלסטין”, כתבו ההאקרים בערוץ הטלגרם שלהם. מערך הסייבר הזהיר אתמול מהתגברות המתקפות במסגרת הקמפיין האנטי-ישראלי #OPIsrael
רפאל קאהאן|עודכן:04.04.23 | 14:30
מתקפת האקרים משולבת נגד מוסדות ההשכלה הגבוהה בישראל: אתרי האוניברסיטאות בישראל קרסו הבוקר (יום ג’) לאחר שהותקפו על ידי קבוצת האקרים המכנה את עצמה “אנונימוס סודן”. מדובר ככל הנראה במתקפת מניעת שירות (DDoS) שגורמת לאתרים לקרוס באמצעות הצפת השרתים שלהם בפקודות. נכון לשעות הצהריים, האתרים פועלים כשורה.
ההאקרים כתבו בערוץ הטלגרם שלהם כי “סקטור החינוך בישראל קרס בגלל מה שהם עשו בפלסטין”. לפי הרשימה שפרסמו ההאקרים, הם תקפו את כל האוניברסיטאות שפועלות בישראל: העברית, מכון ויצמן, בר אילן, חיפה, בן גוריון, הטכניון, הפתוחה, אריאל, רייכמן ותל אביב.
המתקפה מהווה חלק מקמפיין #OPIsrael שמתקיים מדי שנה בתחילת חודש אפריל ובמסגרתו האקטיביסטים – כלומר האקרים פוליטיים – מנסים לתקוף מטרות באינטרנט הישראלי. בימים האחרונים תקפו האקרים מסודן ומבנגלדש שורה של אתרים ישראליים, אך לא הצליחו לגרום נזק משמעותי. גם הפעם נראה שהנזק הוא בעיקר תודעתי, וכי לא נגנב מידע מהאוניברסיטאות.
ההאקרים מאיימים בערוץ הטלגרם שלהם כי יתקפו את ישראל “בעוצמה” ב-7 אפריל – יום שישי הקרוב. בחברת אבטחת המידע צ’ק פוינט אומרים כי “מדובר בקבוצת תקיפה חדשה יחסית שהחלה לפעול בתחילת 2023, בעיקר נגד מטרות ישראליות ובשם האיסלאם. היא חלק מקבוצות תקיפה אידיאולוגיות שמרכזות מאמץ בימים האחרונים כדי להפיל אתרים של חברות וארגונים בישראל במסגרת מבצעי #OPIsrael – מבצע שנתי של תקיפות סייבר סביב מועדים משמעותיים. התקיפות הן תקיפות מניעות שירות (DDoS) – כאלה שרק מפילות אתרים ולא גונבות מידע – וניתן להתאושש מהן יחסית בקלות. אולם יש להניח שהקבוצות הללו מנסות לייצר מתקפות משמעותיות יותר, כולל מתקפות כופר וגניבת מידע”. רון מירן, ראש תחום מודיעין סייבר בחברת אבטחת המידע רדוור, מסר: “אנו צופים תקיפות נוספות על גופים המזוהים עם ישראל על ידי ‘אנונימוס סודן’ ו’מיסטריוס בנגלדש’ ואליהן יצטרפו קבוצות נוספות ב-7 באפריל. מדובר בהתקפות מניעת שירות שמרבית הארגונים המותקפים אינם מצליחים להתמודד עמן ובהתאם האתרים שלהם משותקים. ראינו כבר גופים אלו בפעילות נגד אתרים ברחבי העולם, למשל בדנמרק ושבדיה. המטרה המרכזית שלהם היא תודעתית: להצהיר כי הצליחו לשתק אתרים ישראליים במחאה על הפגיעה בפלסטינים”. ליאור פרנקל, יו”ר פורום הסייבר באיגוד ההייטק הישראלי ומנכ”ל חברת ווטרפול סקיוריטי, מסר: “ההתקפות הן חלק ממערכה אשר מתרחשת בכל שנה בתקופת יום העצמאות. לרוב המטרה היא הפלת אתרי אינטרנט, אך לעיתים ההתקפות מכוונות גם לפגיעה בפעילות עסקית ולשיבוש תהליכי ייצור. פורום הסייבר באיגוד ההיי-טק הישראלי קיבל מספר פניות בימים האחרונים לגבי תקיפות סייבר על חברות יצרניות, ואת חלקן ניתן לייחס לתקופה הזו בשנה”.
האם האוניברסיטאות נערכו כראוי?
המתקפה נגד האוניברסיטאות מגיעה יום לאחר שמערך הסייבר הלאומי התריע מפני התגברות המאמצים לתקוף מטרות בישראל סביב חודש הרמדאן ו”יום ירושלים האיראני” שיצוין ב-14 באפריל. במערך הזהירו באופן ספציפי מפני השחתת אתרים ומתקפות מניעת שירות, ולפיכך נשאלת השאלה אם באוניברסיטאות לא נערכו כראוי כדי להגן על אתרי האינטרנט שלהן. התאוששות ממתקפת מניעת שירות נחשבת כאמור לקלה יחסית, אולם המתקפה המשולבת נגד האוניברסיטאות מעלה חשש שיש כאן אולי גם מהלך של שחקן מדיני. עד כה משתתפי OPIsrael נחשבו כחובבנים לא מיומנים, אך הורדה משולבת של אתרי של כל המוסדות להשכלה גבוהה נראית מתוחכמת יותר ממה שהיה עד כה.
A coordinated cyberattack took down the websites of major Israeli universities on Tuesday.
A hacker group calling itself “Anonymous Sudan” claimed responsibility for the attack on its Telegram account, stating that the “Israel education sector has been dropped because of what they did in Palestine.”
Institutions impacted by the attack include Tel Aviv University, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev in Beersheva, the Weizmann Institute of Science in Rehovot, the Open University of Israel and Reichman University in Herzliya.
“These are service-disrupting attacks—those that only bring down websites and do not steal information—and can be recovered from relatively easily. However, it can be assumed that these groups are trying to produce more significant attacks, including ransom attacks and data theft,” Check Point, an Israeli cyber-security firm, said in a statement.
On its Telegram account, the hacker group has claimed previous cyberattacks on Israeli government ministries and hospitals, and attacks on Denmark and Australia “because of the burning of the Quran again.”
The hacker group also warned that on April 7, it “will attack Israel with big power,” saying that would be the main attack day. Following Tuesday’s attack on the educational sector, the group thanked “all the Arabs who support us.”
The attacks are part of the #OPIsrael campaign that takes place every spring around April 7. The date was chosen in 2013, when the first #OpIsrael took place. Initially, the attackers wanted to attack ahead of Israel’s Holocaust Remembrance Day, which that year fell on April 8. Attacks in subsequent years stuck to the April 7 date.
Hackers from Sudan and Bangladesh attempted cyberattacks in recent days but failed to cause significant damage.
Israel’s cyber-defense authorities repelled more than 1,000 attempted attacks in 2022.
Norwegian academics have joined Palestinian efforts to boycott Israeli academic institutions. Four Norwegian universities recently announced they would stop exchange programs with Israeli universities.
One of the key activists is Professor Hege Hermansen from the Oslo Metropolitan University Center for the Study of Professions, specializing in knowledge work in the professions, juridification of higher education, etc.
She wrote on her LinkedIn page, “Together with Astrid Helene Olsen and 106 other colleagues, I have asked the University of Oslo for a more thorough treatment of the academic boycott of Israel. OsloMet, USN and Nord University have stopped cooperation with Israeli universities, and professional communities at three other institutions (UiB, BAS and NTNU) have canceled specific cooperation agreements. Now it is time for the University of Oslo Svein Stølen Åse Gornitzka to also take up the debate, and take it seriously.”
The University of Southeast Norway (USN) terminated its cooperation agreements with two Israeli universities, the University of Haifa, Nursing program, and Hadassah Academic College in Jerusalem, Optometry. The USN Rector, Pia Cecilie Bing-Jonsson, stated, “The USN leadership is shaken by Israel’s attack on Gaza’s civilian population and infrastructure, and the catastrophic humanitarian situation that now prevails in Gaza. The Israeli authorities have chosen to ignore the International People’s Court’s statements, and have not met the requirements to improve the humanitarian situation… the warfare that the state of Israel is now carrying out in Gaza is unacceptable, and undermines the democratic foundation on which all universities must build… That is the reason why we no longer wish to have cooperation agreements with universities in Israel.”
The Rector emphasizes that “this does not imply an academic boycott, and that students and staff can freely choose who they want to work with, regardless of institutional agreements.” The Rector continues, “Academic freedom is a core value for us, and cooperation across national borders is important to maintain dialogue also in conflict areas, which is why we do not want a boycott.”
Likewise, another university, the Oslo Metropolitan University (OsloMet), also put the exchange agreement on hold. The University Board decided on February 13 that OsloMet will not enter into new cooperation agreements with Israeli universities.
The University Board stated, “The University Board condemns Israel’s attack on Gaza. The Board supports the university management’s measures and practices to: expand the Scholars at Risk scheme; work to terminate purchasing agreements with suppliers who have a direct connection with the Israeli military or who operate in the occupied Palestinian territories; establish measures that promote dialogue between Palestinian and Israeli academics about peace and cooperation; maintain the university’s independent role in society, academic freedom, and safeguard the important role of knowledge in relation to countries and regions in war, conflict, and crisis.”
The University of Bergen (UiB) decided on 11 December 2023 to terminate the agreement with the Bezalel Art Academy in Jerusalem. The agreement included exchanges on the study programs in art and design at the bachelor’s and master’s levels at the Faculty of Art, Music and Design (KMD) at UiB. The faculty Dean, Frode Thorsen, wrote in an email that the triggering factor for the dismissal was that KMD received information that Bezalel made its premises available to repair clothing and equipment for the Israeli army.
When questioned about the boycott, Thorsen replied that the university has not defined it as such, “I do not want to comment on how artists, art institutions and artists’ organizations should approach the boycott movement.” Rector Margareth Hagen stated that she opposed using an academic boycott as a means of action. “My position is that if institutional sanctions are to be implemented against individual countries, then it must be on the basis of the Norwegian authorities’ decisions, as is the case with Russia,” she said in October.
Bergen University of Architecture (BAS) has also terminated its agreement with Bezalel because, according to the Times of Israel, after the Hamas attack on October 7, 2023, Bezalel took in volunteers to help sew uniforms for military personnel fighting in Gaza.
Dr. Einar Braathen, a member of the OsloMet board who proposed suspending the exchange program, is a longtime pro-Palestinian activist. In 2014, he co-authored a report titled “Review of Norwegian democracy support via political parties.” The authors interviewed Raed Debiy (national board member and international leader of the Palestinian Fateh Youth Movement. According to the report, the Norwegian political party, Labor Youth/The Workers’ Youth League (AUF) has, since the mid-1990s, developed contacts with political youth organizations in the Middle East, mainly with the Fateh Youth Movement (FYM), the youth organization of the largest political party in Palestine.
Interestingly, the report stated “The partners challenge three weaknesses in political organizations in this part of the world: first, the tradition of few female leaders; second, organizationally weak local branches; third, politically weak youth organizations in their relationships with parent parties. These aspects have been dealt with in a series of seminars and courses. “This may lead to the strengthening of progressive, secular and democratic forces in the region.” The perseverance of wars and armed conflicts in the region have increasing imprints on political work and campaigning – how to cope with this is also a challenge… Since January 2014 the design has changed. The partnership involves three types of joint activities for Lebanese, Palestinian and Norwegian. “AUF spends substantial parts of its own resources on international democracy support.”
An earlier report published in 2010, titled “Evaluation of the Norwegian Center for Democracy Support 2002-2009,” was carried out by the Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research (NIBR). Einar Braathen was the team leader. The project in Palestine was organized by the Norwegian Labor Party Women (APK) in cooperation with the Fateh party and by the Women’s Committee of Socialist Left Party of Norway in cooperation with the Palestinian Federation of Women Action. The focus of the APK-Fateh project was on the training of trainers in the empowerment tool “Women can do it”. The “evaluation found that individual women who had received training considered that they had gained self-confidence, but that the ‘Women can do it’ model had not been replicated in the Fateh organization as intended. In this regard, the evaluation points to inadequate follow up from the Norwegian trainers, and a lack of democratic structures in the Fateh organization.”
A 1999 newsletter published by the International Social Science Council, titled “Comparative Research Program On Poverty” (CROP), reported that Dr. Einar Braathen, CROP Program Officer, traveled to Birzeit University in Palestine, where they met with the President of the University, Dr. Hanna Nasir, and several Palestinian colleagues working in poverty research.
This round of BDS-related resolutions on the Norwegian campuses, not to mention scores of others in the West, is a triumph for the propaganda machine in Iran. The regime, the largest purveyor of antisemitic and anti-Israeli content in the world (translated into thirty-one languages) has been an early supporter of the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) that Omar Barghouti founded in 2005. Press TV, Iran’s English language channel, has carried a report on the Norwegian boycott, as it routinely does on other anti-Israeli activities in the West.
More than ever, the current wave of BDS activities exposes the moral bankruptcy of the academy. Surely, the well-educated Norwegian professors are aware that the war in Gaza was triggered by Hamas’s horrific attack on the Jewish communities along the border, the largest of its kind since the Holocaust. Using a combination of Nazi and ISIS tactics, the terrorists slaughter innocent civilians.
They are also aware that under international law, Israel has a right to self-defense in the face of an unprovoked attack. Hamas tried to complicate the IDF’s response by hiding in hundreds of miles of tunnels and public spaces such as hospitals, schools, and mosques, effectively turning its population into human shields. Embedding among non-combatants and using them as human shields is outlawed under the Geneva Conventions.
There is only one reason for the silence on these two issues. The left-leaning social sciences in the academy have adopted a stand best described as “the Israelis cannot do anything right, and the Palestinians cannot do anything wrong.” To admit that Hamas violated all international standards by butchering the Jews and causing the death of Palestinian human shields would undermine this tenet.
Together with Astrid Helene Olsen and 106 other colleagues, I have asked the University of Oslo for a more thorough treatment of the academic boycott of Israel.
OsloMet, USN and Nord University have stopped cooperation with Israeli universities, and professional communities at three other institutions (UiB, BAS and NTNU) have canceled specific cooperation agreements.
Now it is time for the University of Oslo Svein Stølen Åse Gornitzka to also take up the debate, and take it seriously.
– The USN leadership is shaken by Israel’s attack on Gaza’s civilian population and infrastructure, and the catastrophic humanitarian situation that now prevails in Gaza. The Israeli authorities have chosen to ignore the International People’s Court’s statements, and have not met the requirements to improve the humanitarian situation. That is the reason why we no longer wish to have cooperation agreements with universities in Israel, says rector Pia Cecilie Bing-Jonsson.
Nursing and optometry
It is the agreements with Haifa University and Hadassah Academic College in Jerusalem that are now being terminated. The collaboration with Haifa concerns an exchange for nursing students. The agreement with Hadassah includes professional collaboration and the exchange of staff and students associated with USN’s national Center for Vision, Optics and Eye Health. This agreement has had great professional value for the optometry community at Kongsberg.
The change has no direct consequences for the students now, since the exchange with Israel has already been stopped for security reasons.
– We want to give a clear message that the warfare that the state of Israel is now carrying out in Gaza is unacceptable, and undermines the democratic foundation on which all universities must build.
Not an academic boycott
Bing-Jonsson emphasizes that this does not imply an academic boycott, and that students and staff can freely choose who they want to work with, regardless of institutional agreements. It is USN as an institution that terminates its agreements.
– Academic freedom is a core value for us, and cooperation across national borders is important to maintain dialogue also in conflict areas, which is why we do not want a boycott, says the rector.
Published Monday 19/02/2024 – 16:18 Updated Wednesday 21/02/2024 – 15:40
The University of South-East Norway (USN) has had an exchange agreement for nursing students with the University of Haifa and an agreement on academic cooperation and exchange of staff and students at the Center for Vision, Optics and Eye Health with Hadassah Academic College in Jerusalem.
Both agreements have now been terminated, according to a press release from USN .
Due to the security situation in the country, there have been no students or staff on exchange to Israel recently, and the agreements have therefore not been active.
Nevertheless, principal Pia Cecilie Bing-Jonsson believes that it is important to send a clear signal.
– We have emphasized the serious situation in Gaza. The Israeli authorities have chosen to ignore the international court’s statements, and have not met the requirements to improve the humanitarian situation. After pressure from students, staff and the media, we have chosen to reassess the situation, and have chosen to end the collaboration with Israel at an institutional level, she tells Khrono.
On October 7, the long-running conflict between Palestine and Israel escalated, when the military wing of Hamas attacked a number of targets in Israel. The attack triggered a response from Israel, which entered Gaza.
Since then, the Israeli warfare has been strongly criticized, and the war has triggered a new discussion in Norway about academic boycott.
Bing-Jonsson is clear that their decision to terminate the agreements is not the same as an academic boycott.
— It is connected with the academic freedom that each employee and student has. Although the collaborative relationship between USN and the Israeli universities ends now, each individual employee and student can choose freely who they want to collaborate with, says the USN rector.
Does not break with the Kongsberg group
The students in the Palestine Committee at USN have also demanded in a debate post that USN end its collaboration with Kongsberg Gruppen and Nammo. The university has a collaboration agreement with the former, but not the latter, but USN is involved in some projects where Nammo is also a party.
“Weapons and military material are produced here which turn out to end up in Israel’s war crimes in Gaza. Is it a problem for the university?” wrote Heming Olaussen, head of the Palestine Committee in Vestfold in Gjengangeren.
The agreement with the Kongsberg Group has also been reviewed now, says Bing-Jonsson, but the USN management has settled on the fact that it is natural to distinguish between the agreements they have with Israeli universities and other cooperation agreements with Norwegian actors.
— The Kongsberg Group is an important player in our region, and a major employer where many of our students want to work. It is again about academic freedom where it is up to each individual if someone wants to collaborate with them. We emphasize that our partners follow Norwegian legislation with regard to the export control regulations, she says.
Head of the Palestine Committee, Line Khateeb, praises the USN for taking action and ending the agreements with the Israeli partner universities.
— It is a step in the right direction, and it is actually quite important that they take a stand and express it. We see that there is a lot of involvement in academia among staff and students, who put pressure on the boards and management to go ahead with an academic boycott.
Palestine Committee head Line Khateeb praises the USN for taking action and breaking two agreements with Israeli universities. Here she is pictured during a demonstration at Jernbanetorget in Oslo in October.Beate Oma Dahle/NTB
But she is puzzled by USN’s interpretation of academic boycott, and believes there must be a misunderstanding about what it is.
– It is precisely about ending institutional cooperation with Israeli institutions, but not about boycotting individuals. For example, some Israeli academics have lost their jobs because they have spoken out critically about Israel’s genocide in Gaza. It is important to support individuals who take a stand against occupation and apartheid, and that we distinguish between contact with individuals and the institutional agreements, which help to legitimize Israel’s war crimes in Gaza.
Khateeb is disappointed by the decision not to break with Kongsberg Gruppen.
— I understand that it is about finances, but this shows that we have a way to go. Both Kongsberg Gruppen and Nammo have large state ownership, and here the Norwegian authorities must do more to ensure that Norwegian weapons technology is not used by Israel.
OsloMet decision
USN is not the only university that has canceled its agreements with Israeli universities. OsloMet recently decided in a board meeting to freeze its exchange agreement with the University of Haifa. They also decided that no new collaboration agreements will be entered into with Israeli educational institutions.
The decision was made by 9 to 2 votes after a discussion that lasted 4 hours and a quarter, partly with high temperatures and strong emotions, only interrupted by parliamentarianism in the back room for two rounds.
The University of Southeast Norway (USN) has terminated its exchange agreement with the University of Haifa and a collaboration with Hadassah Academic College in Jerusalem, citing the grave situation in Gaza and Israel’s disregard for international court statements.
USN rector emphasizes the decision is not an academic boycott, allowing individual freedom for staff and students to choose their collaborations. Despite pressure, USN maintains its partnership with Kongsberg Gruppen, differentiating it from the Israeli institutional agreements.
The summary is generated by Labrador AI, but read through by a journalist.
Hege HermansenResearcher & Educator6dTakk til Pia Cecilie Bing-Jonsson og University of South-Eastern Norway for en prinsipiell, tydelig og viktig avgjørelse, som forhåpentligvis kan vise vei for resten av sektoren. Jeg hadde et håp om at mine egne to institusjoner, OsloMet – Oslo Metropolitan University og Universitetet i Oslo ville gå foran – men da får jeg heller håpe at de lærer fra USN. Tror imidlertid USN har misforstått litt hva en akademisk boikott er. Siden oppropet kom for 20 år siden (2004), så har akademisk boikott alltid vært rettet mot institusjonelt samarbeid og aldri mot samhandling med enkeltindivider. I det nasjonale oppropet spesifiseres det eksplisitt at “vi avviser alle former for boikott av enkeltindivider basert på deres identitet eller institusjonelle tilhørighet”. Ønsker du å støtte det nasjonale oppropet for akademisk boikott av Israel? Signer oppropet her: https://lnkd.in/gAvwS_65https://lnkd.in/dFkXbmvy
Thank you to Pia Cecilie Bing-Jonsson and the University of South-Eastern Norway for a principled, clear and important decision, which can hopefully show the way for the rest of the sector. I had hoped that my own two institutions, OsloMet – Oslo Metropolitan University and the University of Oslo, would take the lead – but then I’d rather hope that they learn from USN. However, I think USN has misunderstood what an academic boycott is. Since the call came 20 years ago (2004), academic boycotts have always been aimed at institutional cooperation and never at interaction with individuals. In the national appeal, it is explicitly specified that “we reject all forms of boycott of individuals based on their identity or institutional affiliation”. Do you want to support the national call for an academic boycott of Israel? Sign the petition here: https://lnkd.in/gAvwS_65https://lnkd.in/dFkXbmvy
We ask you, again, to stand with your Palestinian colleagues
Due to the ongoing military aggression by the Israeli occupation forces, activity at university campuses in Palestine are severely disrupted. We would like to share with Norwegian academics how we are affected by the situation.
We call, once again, on our Norwegian and international colleagues in the higher education sector to stand in solidarity with Palestinian academics.
A bit more than two years ago, we wrote an opinion piece in Khrono that called on the international academic community to stand alongside their Palestinian colleagues. Unfortunately, the Palestinian higher education sector is worse off today than two years ago.
Through Norad’s NORHEDII-programme, we lead a six-year research and development project aimed at strengthening technology-enhanced teaching and learning in the Palestinian higher education sector. The project is a collaboration between the University of Oslo, the Palestine Polytechnic University (PPU) in Hebron, the University College of Applied Sciences (UCAS) in Gaza and Oslo Metropolitan University. Due to the ongoing military aggression by the Israeli occupation forces, all our project activities are currently on hold. We would like to share with Norwegian academics how we are affected by the situation:
At the time of writing, the UN reports (26 October) 7028 deaths and 18482 wounded Palestinians in Gaza since 7 October. The actual numbers are likely to be much higher, as more than a thousand people remain buried under the rubble of bombed buildings. In the West Bank, 102 Palestinians have been killed, 1889 wounded and thousands have been arrested. In Gaza, more than 1.4 million Palestinians are internally displaced. Israel has bombed health facilities, schools, universities, churches, mosques, bakeries, and media houses. About 45% of all housing units in Gaza have been completely or partially damaged. Gaza is running out of water and food and Palestinians are forced to drink contaminated water.
At the University College of Applied Sciences (UCAS), located in the southern part of Gaza City, all academic activities have been completely suspended. The combination of violent bombing by warplanes and the cutting off of water, food, electricity and internet has led to the displacement of large numbers of UCAS staff and their families. Many lack food and water and are unable to communicate with the outside world. Due to the loss of communication channels, it is impossible to keep track of staff and students. As a preliminary count, six UCAS staff members (Wael Al-Zard, Ziad Al-Maghari, Mariam Al-Asali, Ibrahim Al-Dahshan, Samah Al-Dalou, Heba Al-Madamon, Musab Zino) have been brutally killed and two academic staff members have lost their first-degree relatives.
The UCAS university buildings were partially damaged a week after the initial attack. This has been followed by several bombs hitting the UCAS surroundings, which have led to the destruction of large parts of the college. We do not know the exact level of destruction, as the surrounding area was completely evacuated because of the continued bombing. It is also difficult to reach the campus because of the destruction of the infrastructure around it, including many roads.
As Khrono has reported, the same situation applies to other higher education institutions in Gaza, who have had staff and students killed in Israeli bomb attacks and university buildings destroyed.
At the Palestine Polytechnic University in Hebron, academic activities are also gravely affected. The university had to close its doors to students and staff and most scheduled activities have been cancelled. All roads to Hebron are blocked by the Israeli military, and no one is allowed to enter or leave the city. This makes it impossible for students and teachers that live outside Hebron to reach campus. PPU has attempted to switch to online learning, but this approach largely failed due to the escalation of killings in Gaza and the West Bank.
PPU has also received a bomb threat against the campus from a group of Israeli settlers. One PPU student in his third year of an architecture degree, Mohammed Hammad, has been killed by Israeli forces. Six family members of the former head of our Civil Engineering Department have been killed in an airstrike in Gaza, and at least 30 students have been arrested by Israeli forces since 7 October. Several students have also been injured by the Israeli military when they participated in demonstrations against the ongoing bombing of Gaza.
We call, once again, on our Norwegian and international colleagues in the higher education sector to stand in solidarity with Palestinian academics. We ask that you demand:
An immediate cease-fire in Gaza and an end to the ongoing violence by Israeli settlers and occupation forces in the West Bank.
That sufficient humanitarian aid is admitted to Gaza immediately and that all access to water, food, medical supplies, electricity, and fuel is restored.
That the 16 year-long blockade of Gaza is permanently lifted.
Vi er akademikere og administrativt ansatte som ber ledelsen ved alle høyere utdanningsinstitusjoner i Norge om å iverksette en umiddelbar akademisk boikott av israelske universiteter og høyskoler. Det er et akutt behov for tiltak som kan bidra til å stoppe Israels brutale okkupasjon og krigføring mot palestinerne. Mange akademikere og fageksperter omtaler det som nå skjer i Gaza som et folkemord.
Samtidig ber vi alle våre israelske kolleger om å vise motstand mot Israels brutale krigshandlinger og okkupasjon av palestinere. Vi kommer med dette oppropet i solidaritet med alle som har uttalt seg mot israelsk apartheid og de pågående forbrytelsene mot menneskeheten i Gaza.
Formålet med akademisk boikott er å støtte opp om frihet og rettferdighet for studenter og akademikere i Palestina og Israel. Hensikten med en akademisk boikott er dermed å utvide – ikke å begrense – akademisk frihet.
Hvorfor akademisk boikott?
1. For å protestere mot de enorme ødeleggelsene av den palestinske høyere utdanningssektoren i Gaza som følge av de pågående israelske angrepene, og for å protestere mot den kontinuerlige undertrykkelsen av høyere utdanningssektoren på den okkuperte Vestbredden og i Øst-Jerusalem.
2. For å protestere mot at palestinske og israelske akademikere og studenter frarøves sin akademiske frihet.
a. Palestinske akademikere har, som resten av den palestinske befolkningen, levd under okkupasjon i mange tiår. Studenter og ansatte er blitt drept eller fordrevet av bombingen i Gaza. Samtlige høyere utdanningsinstitusjoner i Gaza er ødelagt av israelske bomber. Studentene har blitt frarøvet sitt utdanningstilbud i over en måned. På Vestbredden har israelske militærstyrker iverksatt veisperringer (“check points”) og portforbud som forhindrer akademikere og studenter fra å nå lærestedene. Palestinske studenter blir jevnlig utsatt for vilkårlige arrestasjoner og lærestedene blir invadert og ødelagt av israelske militærstyrker.
b. Institusjonell autonomi og akademisk frihet i den palestinske høyere utdanningssektoren blir sterkt begrenset av Israel gjennom den såkalte ‘Procedure for entry and residence of foreigners in the Judea and Samaria area’ (Israels betegnelse for den okkuperte Vestbredden). Siden mai 2022 har det israelske militæret hatt fullmakt til å bestemme hvilke utenlandske akademikere og studenter som får lov til å besøke, arbeide eller studere ved universiteter og høgskoler på den okkuperte Vestbredden. De bestemmer også hvilke temaer akademikere får lov til å forelese over.
c. Israelske akademikere og studenter har fått sin egen ytringsfrihet og akademiske frihet begrenset gjennom the Israeli Boycott Law of 2011. Ifølge denne loven kan israelske akademikere og studenter bli frarøvet rettigheter, for eksempel muligheter til å søke forskningsmidler og stipender, dersom de uttrykker støtte for boikott av Israel. Israelske akademikere møter også restriksjoner gjennom the Entry into Israel Law. Denne loven forbyr utenlandske kolleger innreise til Israel dersom de har uttrykt støtte for boikott av Israel.
3. Det er godt dokumentert at israelske akademiske institusjoner har bidratt til utvikling av våpen og teknologi som brukes i okkupasjon og drap av palestinere, og til å legitimere krigføringen mot et okkupert folk. Israelske universiteter har infrastruktur på okkuperte områder. Ingen israelske universiteter har offentlig fordømt de systematiske overgrepene mot den palestinske høyere utdanningssektoren.
4. For å utøve reelt og symbolsk press på israelske universiteter og høgskoler for at de skal aktivt arbeide for en slutt på okkupasjonen og innføring av like rettigheter for israelere og palestinere. En akademisk boikott av israelske institusjoner bør være aktiv frem til disse betingelsene er møtt.
Hva innebærer en akademisk boikott?
Norske akademikere bør ikke samarbeide med israelske institusjoner som aktivt støtter opp om okkupasjon, apartheid og krigsforbrytelser, og som er med på å frarøve våre palestinske kolleger sin akademiske frihet.
Akademisk boikott av Israel omfatter ikke enkeltindivider i israelsk akademia. Vi avviser alle former for boikott av enkeltindivider basert på deres identitet eller institusjonelle tilhørighet. Imidlertid gjelder boikott for individer med formelle representasjonsroller (eksempelvis en rektor, universitetsdirektør eller offentlig talsperson).
Vi krever:
At norske universiteter og høgskoler umiddelbart kutter alt institusjonelt samarbeid med høyere utdanningsinstitusjoner i Israel, inkludert formelt forskningssamarbeid og utvekslingsavtaler.
At norske universiteter og høgskoler aktivt støtter opp om den palestinske høyere utdanningssektoren, og særlig universiteter og høgskoler i Gaza.
At norske universiteter og høgskoler aktivt støtter utsatte palestinske akademikere, slik man tidligere har støttet ukrainske akademikere gjennom Ukrainian scholars at risk.
Vi oppfordrer alle akademikere i Norge
om å bidra til at deres institusjoner uttrykker et tydelig krav om en umiddelbar våpenhvile i hele Palestina.
til å unngå konferanser og andre akademiske arrangementer der israelske høyere utdanningsinstitusjoner har en offisiell rolle som arrangør eller sponsor.
om å opprette samarbeid med palestinske akademikere og høyere utdanningsinstitusjoner.
om å aktivt engasjere seg i egne fagorganisasjoner og akademiske nettverk for å fremme akademisk frihet, ytringssfrihet og rettferdighet for palestinske og israelske studenter og akademikere.
We are academics and administrative employees who call upon the leadership of all higher educational institutions in Norway to immediately implement a boycott of Israeli universities and colleges. There is an urgent need for measures that can contribute to ending Israel’s brutal occupation and warfare against the Palestinians. Many academics and experts call what happens now in Gaza genocide.
At the same time we call on our Israeli counterparts to oppose Israel’s ruthless acts of war and occupation of the Palestinians. We make this call in solidarity with all those who oppose Israeli apartheid and the ongoing crimes against humanity in Gaza.
The goal of this academic boycott is to support freedom and justice for the students and academics in Palestine and Israel. The purpose of the boycott is to extend – not restrict – academic freedom.
Why an academic boycott?
1. To protest the destruction of Palestinian universities and colleges in the ongoing Israeli attack on Gaza and the oppression of Palestinian universities and colleges in the West Bank and East-Jerusalem.
2. To protest the denial of academic freedom of Palestinian and Israeli scholars and students
a. Palestinian academics have, like the rest of the Palestinian population, lived under occupation for many decades. Students and faculty have been killed or displaced during the bombing in Gaza. Palestinian universities and colleges have been destroyed by Israeli bombs. Students have now been denied education for more than a month. On the West Bank, Israeli military forces have implemented roadblocks and curfews, preventing academics and students from reaching their university campuses. Palestinian students are regularly exposed to random arrest and their institutions are invaded and destroyed by Israeli forces.
b. The institutional autonomy and academic freedom in the Palestinian higher education sector is restricted by the Israeli ‘Procedure for entry and residence of foreigners in the Judea and Samaria area’ (Israel’s name for the occupied West Bank). Since May 2022, the Israeli military has the power to control which foreign academics and students visit, work at or study at a university or college in the occupied West Bank. They also decide what themes they can lecture on.
c. Israeli academics and students have their academic freedom and freedom of expression restricted through the Israeli Boycott Law of 2011. This law stipulates that Israeli academics and students supporting an academic boycott can be excluded from state benefits, such as research funding and scholarships. Israeli academics are also restricted through the Entry into Israel Law. This law bans their foreign colleagues, who support the boycott of Israel, entry into the country.
3. It is well-documented that Israeli academic institutions have contributed to the development of weapons and technologies that are used in the occupation and murder of Palestinians, and to justify the war against an occupied, civilian population. Israeli universities have infrastructures in the occupied territories. No Israeli institutions for higher education have publicly condemned the systemic abuse of the Palestinian higher education sector.
4. To put real and symbolic pressure on Israeli universities and other educational institutions to take an active role in ending the Israeli occupation and in extending equal rights to Palestinians. We call for a boycott to be in effect until these conditions are met.
What does boycott of Israeli academic institutions entail?
Norwegian academics should not collaborate with Israeli institutions that actively contribute to occupation, apartheid, and war crimes, and who contribute to depriving our Palestinian colleagues of their academic freedom.
The academic boycott of Israel does not target individuals in Israeli academia. We reject all forms of boycott of individuals based on their identity or institutional affiliation, except from representatives of complicit Israeli institutions, such as a university president, university director or official spokesperson.
We demand:
● that Norwegian universities and university colleges immediately cut all institutional cooperation with higher educational institutions.
● that Norwegian universities and colleges review their procurement routines in order to prevent contracts with suppliers who have connections with the Israeli military or who operate in the occupied Palestinian territories.
● that Norwegian universities and colleges actively support the Palestinian higher education sector, especially the universities and colleges in Gaza.
● that Norwegian universities and colleges provide support for Palestinian scholars at risk, similar to the support provided to Ukrainian scholars at risk.
We call on all academics in Norway:
● to work within their institutions to contribute to the demand for an immediate ceasefire throughout Israel and Palestine.
● not to participate in conferences or academic events officially organised or sponsored by Israeli universities.
● to actively seek research partnerships with Palestinian academics and institutions for higher education.
● who have relationships with Israeli academia to promote academic freedom, freedom of expression, and rights at work for Palestinian and Israeli students and academics.
● to work within their unions and academic networks to promote academic freedom, freedom of expression, and rights at work for Palestinian and Israeli academics and students.
When will Palestinian academics get to experience a life without occupation?
Once again I am trying to find out if my colleagues in Gaza are alive, or if they have been bombed to pieces. Institutions of higher education in Palestine have always operated under occupation — it is high time that this changed.
Published Wednesday 11.10.2023 – 10:27 Updated Sunday 15.10.2023 – 21:18
LINK Center for learning and developmentHege Hermansen
University of OsloThis text is a debate post. The content of the text expresses the author’s own opinion.
It’s that time of year again. Once again I am trying to find out if my colleagues in Gaza are alive, or if they have been bombed to pieces. If they lie mutilated under a pile of concrete. At the time of writing, the Israeli authorities have closed all access to power, water and electricity in the Gaza Strip and they have also bombed infrastructure for the mobile network. It is therefore very difficult to get updates on how they are doing. I know that Gaza is being carpet bombed, and I know that two of my colleagues in particular live in particularly vulnerable areas. I also know that there is not a single place in Gaza that is not exposed.
One of the things I am most afraid of is that they will lie under a pile of concrete that is impossible to move, but still be alive and conscious. Then death comes more slowly and with even more suffering than it would otherwise have done. If they survive, it is also unclear what kind of job they have to return to.
Once again I am trying to find out if my colleagues in Gaza are alive, or if they have been bombed to pieces. If they lie mutilated under a pile of concrete.
Hege Hermansen
Reports from Gaza say two higher education institutions have been bombed so far. How do you restore a “learning environment” when hundreds of people have been bombed to death, thousands are injured and maimed, when more than 100,000 are internally displaced, and when your surroundings look like a battlefield? How do you restore a “learning environment” in the awareness that the whole world has just observed, and partly supported, that you have been carpet bombed?
Unfortunately, the problem is not new. When I myself taught in the Palestinian higher education sector in the mid-2000s, it was not unusual for colleagues and students not to get to university because roads or entire villages were closed down by Israeli occupation soldiers. Several times we started the lesson with a minute’s silence for Palestinians who had been killed in Israeli attacks. Once one of my students came into the classroom crying because he had seen a close friend shot dead by Israeli occupation soldiers the night before. Our students were regularly arrested (there are currently more than 5,000 Palestinians in Israeli captivity).
When I traveled around to primary and secondary schools as part of a continuing education initiative for English teachers, I sat and observed children being taught to the sound of bombs. As a foreigner, I couldn’t tell the difference between real bombs and sound bombs. The ten-year-olds knew the difference well.
During the first intifada, Palestinian universities were periodically closed by the Israeli occupying power. The entire higher education sector went underground. My husband, who was a student at the time, was taught in churches, mosques, community centers and private homes. Gabi Baramke, who is one of the founders of BirZeit University in Palestine, has documented this period in detail in her book Peaceful Resistance: Building a Palestinian University Under Occupation — a book recommended for anyone interested in how to run higher education under occupation looks like.
On behalf of UiO, I am currently leading a six-year research and development project funded by Norad’s competence development program for higher education (NORHEDII). Almost NOK 20 million of Norway’s tax money goes to this project, and the vast majority of the money goes to our two Palestinian partners, Palestine Polytechnic University in Hebron and the University College of Applied Sciences in Gaza. In isolation, our project has been professionally worked out and we have a great team with us in Palestine. I believe that with these funds we will accomplish important things.
The Palestinian higher education sector has, quite literally, never operated in the absence of occupation.
Hege Hermansen
But if I were to assess this from a socio-economic point of view, the Palestinians would have gained much more from the fact that Norway used resources to actually hold Israel responsible for its illegal occupation and repeated human rights violations. In the absence of real political support, aid funds can appear almost mocking, like an offer of a small plaster on a large, infected, bleeding and life-threatening wound. Norwegian politicians are willing to give Palestinians money for selected development projects and to pay the salaries that are channeled through the Palestinian “self-governing authorities”. But they have so far been unwilling to hold the Israeli authorities accountable in a way that has actual consequences for their ongoing occupation of Palestinians.
The Palestinian higher education sector has, quite literally, never operated in the absence of occupation. It is long overdue for this situation to change, and it is time that both Norwegian academics and politicians actively contribute to this happening.
By Hana Levi Julian – 11 Adar I 5784 – February 19, 2024
A Norwegian university has decided to boycott its Israeli counterparts in the shadow of the October 7 war against Israel launched by Gaza’s Iranian-backed Hamas terrorist organization.
The board of Oslo Metropolitan University announced last Wednesday a decision to suspend its student exchange program with the University of Haifa, and “not to enter into new general cooperation agreements with Israeli universities and colleges,” the university announced.
The members of the university board voted 9-2 to approve the boycott advanced by board member Einar Braathen during its meeting on February 13, the university said.
The decision “clearly expresses the university’s stance on Israel’s military actions in Gaza and OsloMet’s practice in this situation, while at the same time emphasizing the importance of safeguarding academic freedom and the role of knowledge in society,” read a statement on the decision posted on the university’s website.
The board added that the decision does not cover research collaboration between researchers and professional environments at OsloMet and Israeli universities.
‘Israel Attacked Gaza’ “The university board condemns Israel’s attack on Gaza,” the board wrote in its decision, completely ignoring the October 7 massacre of 1,200 people in Israel and the promise by Hamas to repeat the massacre “over and over again” that ignited the war.
“The board stands behind the university management’s measures and practices to: * expand the Scholars at risk scheme * work for the termination of procurement agreements with suppliers who have direct links with the Israeli military or who operate in the occupied Palestinian territories * establish measures that promote dialogue between Palestinian and Israeli academics on peace and cooperation * safeguard the university’s independent role in society, academic freedom, and protect the important role of knowledge in relation to countries and regions in war, conflict and crisis.
“In addition, the board decides that OsloMet suspends the exchange agreement with the University of Haifa and does not enter into any new general cooperation agreements on institutional cooperation with Israeli universities and colleges.”
U Haifa: ‘Only Harming Themselves’ University of Haifa President Professor Ron Rubin condemned the decision.
“Oslo Metropolitan University’s decision to end the student exchange program with the University of Haifa is no different from the decision to impose an academic boycott, and we strongly condemn it,” Prof. Rubin said in a swift response to the announcement.
“Academic institutions that choose to boycott and cancel other institutions, that involve politics and science, are sinning against the academic truth and will end up only harming themselves.
“I am convinced that this will happen in this case as well and I call on the members of the board to withdraw – in their own interest – from their delusional decision.
“Perhaps the reason for the great concern of the university directors over sending young students here is that when they get here they will discover a common life, Jews and Arabs living together, studying together, researching together — so far from the lies of “apartheid” that can only be told by those who know nothing about Haifa University and the State of Israel.”\
“Perhaps they fear that the students’ studies here with us will open up a more complex position to reality, and maybe even sympathy or empathy for the Israeli narrative as well.”
Rubin said the University of Haifa “will continue to create the Israeli narrative and continue to reach out to academic institutions around the world — at least, to those who place the values of truth and science at the forefront of their minds.”
***
Hana Levi Julian is a Middle East news analyst with a degree in Mass Communication and Journalism from Southern Connecticut State University. A past columnist with The Jewish Press and senior editor at Arutz 7, Ms. Julian has written for Babble.com, Chabad.org and other media outlets, in addition to her years working in broadcast journalism.
The University Board at OsloMet has decided not to enter into new general cooperation agreements with Israeli universities. The exchange agreement with the University of Haifa is put on hold.
Published 14.02.2024 Updated 20.02.2024
After a discussion at the board meeting on February 13 about OsloMet’s academic activities in relation to Israel and Palestine, the university board adopted an adjusted version of the decision proposed by board member Einar Braathen at the meeting.
The decision clearly expresses the university’s attitude towards Israel’s war actions in Gaza and OsloMet’s practice in this situation, while also emphasizing the importance of safeguarding academic freedom and the role of knowledge in society.
The decision does not include research collaboration between researchers and academic environments at OsloMet and Israeli universities.
The wording of the decision by the University Board:
“The University Board condemns Israel’s attack on Gaza.
The Board supports the university management’s measures and practices to:
expand the Scholars at Risk scheme
work to terminate purchasing agreements with suppliers who have a direct connection with the Israeli military or who operate in the occupied Palestinian territories
establish measures that promote dialogue between Palestinian and Israeli academics about peace and cooperation
maintain the university’s independent role in society, academic freedom, and safeguard the important role of knowledge in relation to countries and regions in war, conflict, and crisis
In addition, the Board decides that OsloMet puts the exchange agreement with the University of Haifa on hold and does not enter into any new general cooperation agreements on institutional cooperation with Israeli universities and colleges.”
Voted on adjusted proposals
Through the board’s discussion, several views and proposals for decisions emerged. In the end, there were revised proposals for decisions from both Einar Braathen and the Rector, which differed on the issue of whether the University Board should decide to put the exchange agreement with the University of Haifa on hold and that OsloMet does not enter into new general cooperation agreements with universities in Israel.
Braathen’s proposal was adopted with nine to two votes.
(The article has been translated into English using AI).
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https://kunstavisen.no/artikkel/2024/uib-avslutter-avtale-med-israelsk-kunstakademi UiB terminates agreement with Israeli Academy of ArtsThe University of Bergen ends its collaboration with the art academy Bezalel, which has worked for the Israeli Defense Forces. Dean of the Academy of Fine Arts in Bergen, Frode Thorsen, does not call it an academic boycott.
The University of Bergen (UiB) decided on 11 December 2023 to terminate the agreement with the Bezalel Art Academy in Jerusalem. There is basically a notice period of six months, but as students must apply for the semester ahead of a stay, it will no longer be possible to apply for it in practice. The agreement has included exchanges on the study programs in art and design at bachelor’s and master’s level at the Faculty of Art, Music and Design (KMD) at UiB.
The faculty’s dean Frode Thorsen says in an email to Kunstavisen that the agreement was last used in 2019.
– The triggering factor for the dismissal was that KMD received information that the academy made its premises available for the repair of clothing and equipment for the Israeli army, he says.
Bergen University of Architecture (BAS) has also terminated a similar agreement they had with Bezalel. After the Hamas attack on October 7 last year, the art academy took in volunteers to help sew clothes for military personnel fighting on the front line in Gaza, according to the Times of Israel .
On the question of boycott, Thorsen replies that the university has not currently defined or referred to the dismissal as such.
– I do not want to comment on how artists, art institutions and artists’ organizations should approach the boycott movement, he says.
As for the University of Bergen, he refers to a statement by rector Margareth Hagen in Khrono in the autumn where she is, in principle, opposed to using an academic boycott as a means of action.
“My position is that if institutional sanctions are to be implemented against individual countries, then it must be on the basis of the Norwegian authorities’ decisions, as is the case with Russia,” she told the online newspaper in October.
THE MIDDLE EAST CONFLICT Not applicable with academic boycott OsloMet, the University of Bergen, the University of Southeast Norway and the University of Oslo all maintain cooperation with Israeli and Palestinian institutions.
OsloMet has partners both in Gaza and in the West Bank in Palestine and in Israel. Principal Christen Krogh informs Khrono that it is not appropriate to introduce an academic boycott as a result of the situation in the Middle East.
— As a university, we are concerned with academic freedom, and having a culture of openness and tolerance, and promoting diversity among students and staff. That international cooperation in education and research is important is a fundamental principle for us, he says.
He believes that in times of crisis it is important to maintain contact with professional communities across national borders.
Krogh would not characterize OsloMet’s cooperation with universities in Palestine and Israel as very extensive. To a large extent, it concerns some exchange agreements and collaborative projects.
Request from partner university
But not everyone at OsloMet agrees with Krogh’s position. The group Friends of Palestine at OsloMet believes it is important that Norwegian universities and colleges put pressure on their Israeli partners.
“It is important that we now put pressure on the universities we work with, so they can again put pressure on their government,” says Palle Michael Nielsen, spokesperson for the group.
He emphasizes that it is at institutional level that they believe the boycott should take place, not at the cooperation of individual individuals.
“Firstly, we have received an invitation from Birzeit University in Bethlehem, a university OsloMet collaborates with, and when your friends ask for help, you pitch in,” says Nielsen.
In the open letter, the University of Birzeit asks all international academic institutions to take action to stop what they refer to as genocide of Palestinians and Israeli settler colonialism.
– In addition, we see that some of the universities in Israel are involved in writing the legal justifications for the occupation, and we see that some of them are involved in developing weapons. I think that must be good enough reason for an academic boycott, says Nielsen.
“Does it take another genocide?”
Does it take a genocide for Norwegian institutions to cut academic cooperation with Israeli universities?
That is the question asked by the leader of Students for Palestine Trondheim, Magnus Barka Hjelle, leader of Students for Palestine Oslo, Raghad Abu Shaker, and leader of AKULBI, Kirsti Aarseth, in a debate post in Khrono.
On its website, AKULBI describes itself as the Coordinating Committee for Academic and Cultural Boycott of the State of Israel, and this is precisely the main message of the three post authors.
— Several Norwegian universities and colleges engage in research collaboration and exchange with Israeli universities. This helps both to whitewash Israel’s occupation and war crimes, and it helps the occupying power to develop the oil and gas industry which is used to finance the bombs that are being dropped on the population of Gaza now, write Hjelle, Shaker and Aarseth.
The post authors also convey that the organizations they represent, together with the international movement BDS (Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions), demand that Norwegian higher education institutions freeze all research cooperation and exchange agreements they have with Israeli institutions.
No academic boycott
The rector at the University of Bergen, Margareth Hagen, writes in an e-mail to Khrono that, in principle, she believes that academic boycotts should not be used as a means of action.
– My position is that if institutional sanctions are to be implemented against individual countries, then it must be on the basis of Norwegian authorities’ decisions, as is the case with Russia, writes Hagen.
— Our position is not an academic boycott, says Rector Petter Aasen at the University of South-Eastern Norway (USN), and refers to the university’s rector’s blog .
There he states, among other things, that USN has cooperation with both Israeli and Palestinian educational institutions.
– We are shocked by the atrocities and violence inflicted on the Israeli and Palestinian people, colleagues and students. In this difficult time, we want to show our solidarity with our Israeli and Palestinian friends and all those who fall victim to the violence, he writes.
Khrono wrote earlier this week that USN employees were in mourning after a key employee in a collaborative project in Gaza was killed in a bomb attack
“We have condemned the attack from Hamas, and also the disproportionate reprisals from Israel that affect the civilian population, children, hospitals and schools, and now also academic institutions,” Aasen said then.
The rector at the University of Oslo (UiO), Svein Stølen, replies that they work to safeguard academic freedom in everything they do when asked why an academic boycott is not relevant.
– In general, we do not place restrictions on academic collaboration and the independence of the individual researcher, he says and adds:
— Then the question is how we can best get involved as an institution in conflict areas. There are many indications that maintaining dialogue through collaborative projects with academic institutions located in such areas is most effective.FACTS
Cooperation between Norwegian and Israeli academic institutions
NTNU has an exchange with the Bezalel Art Academy in Jerusalem
UiB has exchanges with Bezalel art academy and Tel Aviv University
Bergen School of Architecture has an exchange with the Bezalel Art Academy in Jerusalem
USN has exchanges with the University of Haifa and Hadassah Academic College Jerusalem
OsloMet has an exchange with the University of Haifa
Nord University has an exchange with the University of Haifa
VID University of Science has an exchange with the University of Haifa
Several other institutions, including UiO, report that some of their researchers collaborate with both Palestinian and Israeli researchers.
Source: Students for Palestine Trondheim, Students for Palestine Oslo, AKULBI
February 21, 2024 / By Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) /
OsloMet, the University of South Eastern Norway, the University of Bergen, and the Bergen School of Architecture have all suspended agreements with complicit Israeli universities.
The Palestinian Campaign for the Academic & Cultural Boycott of Israel welcomes the news that four Norwegian universities have suspended ties with complicit Israeli universities over Israel’s #GazaGenocide.
This is what Palestinians, including universities and faculty unions, are calling for as the most effective means of solidarity.
OsloMet ended ties with Haifa University, pledged not to enter into any new agreements with complicit Israeli universities, and will work to end procurement contracts with suppliers linked to Israel’s military or illegal settlements.
“The university board condemns Israel’s attack on Gaza.”
The University of South Eastern Norway ended ties with Haifa University and Hadassah Academic College.
“We want to give a clear message that the warfare that…Israel is now carrying out in Gaza is unacceptable, and undermines the democratic foundation on which all universities must build.”
The University of Bergen ended its cooperation agreements with Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design after it created a workshop on campus to design and sew uniforms and gear for the Israeli military.
The Bergen School of Architecture also ended its cooperation agreements with Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design over its work with the Israeli military.
15 major Palestinian universities have stated that Israeli universities “should face international isolation” over their complicity in Israel’s crimes against Palestinians, which now include genocide.
The ICJ ruling that Israel is plausibly committing genocide requires international universities to cut ties with Israeli institutions and corporations that are complicit in genocide and apartheid.
We thank the students and academics in Norway, including 1200+ calling for Norwegian universities to cut ties with complicit Israeli universities, who have worked to raise awareness and compel their universities to act on their moral obligations.
All Israeli universities are complicit in Israel’s regime of settler colonialism, occupation and apartheid.
We urge scholars & students worldwide to work to end ties with genocidal Israel, including via universities, depts, programs, unions and societies.
Four Norwegian universities have decided to suspend ties with Israeli universities they deem complicit in the occupying regime’s genocidal war in Gaza.
The Palestinian Campaign for the Academic & Cultural Boycott of Israel (PACBI) welcomed the decisions, hailing them as a crucial step in supporting the Palestinian struggle.
The move aligns with the campaign’s call for international academic and cultural institutions to sever ties with Israeli counterparts involved in Israel’s genocide in Gaza.
Among the universities taking action, OsloMet has announced the termination of its ties with Haifa University and vowed not to engage in any new agreements with Israeli universities complicit in the war.
Additionally, OsloMet has committed to discontinuing procurement contracts with suppliers linked to the Israeli military or illegal settlements.
The University of South Eastern Norway has followed suit, cutting off relations with Haifa University and Hadassah Academic College.
Similarly, the University of Bergen has severed cooperation agreements with Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design, citing the academy’s involvement in providing uniforms and gear for the Israeli military.
The Bergen School of Architecture has also joined in this action, ending its collaboration with Bezalel Academy over its ties with the Israeli military.
This move echoes the sentiments expressed by 15 Palestinian universities, which have called for Israeli universities to face international isolation for their complicity in Israel’s crimes against Palestinians.
Meanwhile, Norway’s pension fund, with some US$95 billion worth of assets, announced that it was divesting from their entire Israel Bond holdings over their links with the Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank.
The Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC) announced that Israeli Apartheid Week 2024, which is titled “March for Palestine: Stop the Genocide, End Apartheid,” is scheduled for March 1-31, 2024. An entire month would be devoted to “action and BDS mobilizations to end complicity in genocide, build grassroots power towards liberation and the dismantling of Israel’s settler-colonial apartheid regime.”
The organizers promise that “This year’s Israeli Apartheid Week will be the most important since IAW was launched 20 years ago! With the ongoing Nakba at its height, Israel is carrying out the world’s first ever live-streamed genocide against 2.3 million Palestinians in Gaza while it continues to entrench its 75-year-old settler-colonial apartheid regime against all Indigenous Palestinians. Over the past few months, people around the world have carried out inspiring actions building people power to end state, corporate and institutional complicity in Israel’s #GazaGenocide and contribute to the Palestinian struggle for freedom, justice, and equality. With the failure of the international system, under US and Western hegemony.”
According to the BNC announcement, IAW this year comes weeks after the “International Court of Justice (ICJ) dealt apartheid Israel a historic defeat by finding that Israel is plausibly perpetrating genocide against the 2.3 million Palestinians in the occupied and besieged Gaza Strip. This decision triggers legal responsibilities for all states to end all complicity and to prevent genocide. Though the World Court has ordered Israel to stop all genocidal acts, including the killing and harming of Palestinians, apartheid Israel continues to massacre Palestinian civilians, destroy infrastructure, including the last functioning hospitals, and aggravate the encroaching famine and the spread of infectious diseases among Palestinians in Gaza, openly defying the Court’s orders.”
The BNC announcement claims, “Israel’s allies in the colonial West are collectively punishing the entire Palestinian refugee community by cutting funding for UNRWA, the UN agency responsible for aid and assistance to Palestinian refugees. This will effectively prevent life-saving aid from reaching Gaza at a time of mass starvation as a result of Israel’s genocidal siege, thus constituting another form of Western complicity in Israel’s ongoing genocide.”
As for the Israeli “apartheid” and “genocide” of Palestinians, according to the announcement, “Neither can continue without the complicity of states, corporations and institutions, particularly in the colonial West. While Palestinians remain steadfast in the face of this genocide and persist with our liberation struggle, we take hope and strength from global solidarity expressed in mass demonstrations from Jakarta to Washington, Cape Town to London, and Rabat to Baghdad; trade union actions to stop arms shipments to Israel in Belgium, Italy, Greece, Turkey and elsewhere; hundreds of creative civil disobedience actions (sit-ins, peaceful occupations, walk-outs, strikes, etc.) worldwide; fast-growing grassroots BDS campaigns and calls for military embargo; strong declarations of solidarity by racial, Indigenous, climate, gender and social justice movements; high-profile statements by prominent artists, writers, academics, international experts in genocide, as well as by progressive Jewish groups, human rights and civil rights organizations; and a million local, grassroots solidarity actions and creative initiatives worldwide. Not only Israeli apartheid is on trial at the World Court. All states, corporations and institutions that have aided and abetted its system of oppression that has culminated in the current genocide are also on trial.”
The BNC announcement cites South Africa’s opening statement at the International Court of Justice on January 2024, “South Africa has recognized the ongoing Nakba of the Palestinian people through Israel’s colonization since 1948, which has systematically and forcibly dispossessed, displaced, and fragmented the Palestinian people, deliberately denying them their internationally recognized, inalienable right to self-determination, and their internationally recognized right of return as refugees to their towns and villages, in what is now the State of Israel.”
The announcement promises, “we can build people power to end this genocide and dismantle its root causes – Israel’s regime of settler colonialism and apartheid.”
However, those who are familiar would know that the BDS activities run throughout the year. In the last few days, the Associated Students of Pomona College (ASPC) hosted a vote on a student-led referendum. The referendum questions Pomona College’s investments in Israel and whether Pomona should disclose their holdings and sell their holdings from “the apartheid system in the state of Israel.”
An informational sheet on the referendum reads, “Divest Claremont Colleges has requested this referendum to provide an outlet for students to formally express their opinions regarding the institution’s relationship with the apartheid system within the state of Israel.” The student organizers held a teach-in to explain why they believe it is necessary to bolster the BDS movement on campus. They began their presentation by requesting that “All civilians who are killed by the Israeli Defense Forces are considered martyred because ‘murdered’ does not capture the full political context of their deaths.”
Pomona President Gabrielle Starr responded in an email to the Pomona community. She condemned the referendum’s focus on Israel and suggested it had antisemitic implications. “For many years now, the only nation on which ASPC has focused its activity is the world’s only Jewish state… This singling out of Israel raises grave concerns about the referendum’s impact on members of our community. For this reason, and even though I know our students do not intend this, the referendum raises the specter of antisemitism… To exclude anyone from the pursuit of knowledge on the basis of the country in which they live is contrary to our mission… American and global institutions, should, far from participating in academic boycotts of other institutions, be seeking to engage deeply with Israeli and Palestinian universities in the coming days and years.”
Interestingly, the students wish to stay anonymous, as seen from a safety sheet handed out to the protestors. “Once the demonstration starts, keep your mask on and do not give your name or personal information to anyone.” It also urged protestors not to engage with campus security, administration, Zionists, or media. It suggested safety measures such as traveling in groups, not providing identification to campus security, and not telling anyone that they took part in the rally.”
In another instance, pro-Palestinian protestors demanded that Pitzer College suspend its study abroad program with the University of Haifa. In response, Pitzer College issued a statement, “It should be noted that the Student Senate does not speak for the College, nor does it represent the views of all Pitzer students.”
In their zeal to tarnish Israel, these and other student groups do not mention Hamas’s brutal attack on the Jewish settlements bordering the Gaza Strip, the largest since the Holocaust. Surely, the students must have heard reports of the brutal violence and abuse of the unfortunate victims: men, women, children, and older people. Israel’s right to defend itself in the face of Hamas’s atrocity, a core element of the International Laws of War, was turned into a blood libel of “genocide” against the Palestinians.
There is a reason for this radically unbalanced view of the Gaza War. For decades now, liberal arts on campuses have been hijacked by academic activists who indoctrinate rather than teach their students. According to the dominant paradigm, a mixture of neo-Marxism and critical, postmodern scholarship, Israel is inherently evil, and the Palestinians are inherently good.
To mention Hamas’s unimaginable barbarism, easily comparable to the worst Nazi atrocities during the Holocaust, would punch holes in this paradigm. The same paradigm is also inherently anti US and Western “hegemony,” where the West is seen as the root of all problems and the non-West, however broadly defined, as the depository of good and virtue. To wit, the Russian unprovoked assault on Ukraine had not elicited any campus protest.
Higher education needs to be more balanced by the principles of reasoned discussion and moral clarity. The ideological indoctrination masquerading as academic education has caused significant damage to these tenets, endangering the legitimacy of the universities.
January 16, 2024 / By Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC) /March for Palestine: Stop the Genocide, End Apartheid. SAVE THE DATE – March 1 – 31 – Israel Apartheid Week 2024 – the most important since IAW began 20 years ago!
This year’s Israeli Apartheid Week will be the most important since IAW was launched 20 years ago! With the ongoing Nakba at its height, Israel is carrying out the world’s first ever live-streamed genocide against 2.3 million Palestinians in Gaza while it continues to entrench its 75-year-old settler-colonial apartheid regime against all Indigenous Palestinians.
Over the past few months, people around the world have carried out inspiring actions building people power to end state, corporate and institutional complicity in Israel’s #GazaGenocide and contribute to the Palestinian struggle for freedom, justice, and equality. With the failure of the international system, under US and Western hegemony, on full display, we will organize IAW throughout the month of March to bring justice from below.
Save the date – March 1st – March 30th; an entire month of action and BDS mobilizations to end complicity in genocide, build grassroots power towards liberation and the dismantling of Israel’s settler-colonial apartheid regime. Let’s make this year’s IAW our most impactful ever!
More information will follow in the coming weeks. Stay tuned.
January 31, 2024 / By Palestinian BDS National Committee (BNC) Stop Genocide; Dismantle Apartheid, join us between March 1st – 31st.
This year, Israeli Apartheid Week (IAW) comes weeks after the International Court of Justice (ICJ) dealt apartheid Israel a historic defeat by finding that Israel is plausibly perpetrating genocide against the 2.3 million Palestinians in the occupied and besieged Gaza Strip. This decision triggers legal responsibilities for all states to end all complicity and to prevent genocide. Though the World Court has ordered Israel to stop all genocidal acts, including the killing and harming of Palestinians, apartheid Israel continues to massacre Palestinian civilians, destroy infrastructure, including the last functioning hospitals, and aggravate the encroaching famine and the spread of infectious diseases among Palestinians in Gaza, openly defying the Court’s orders.
Meanwhile, Israel’s allies in the colonial West are collectively punishing the entire Palestinian refugee community by cutting funding for UNRWA, the UN agency responsible for aid and assistance to Palestinian refugees. This will effectively prevent life-saving aid from reaching Gaza at a time of mass starvation as a result of Israel’s genocidal siege, thus constituting another form of Western complicity in Israel’s ongoing genocide.
As the South African delegation has presented to the ICJ, Israel’s genocide must be seen in the context of its root causes: Israel’s 75-year-old regime of settler-colonialism and apartheid. IAW has, since its inception in 2005, mobilized international education about and action against Israeli apartheid, and is therefore needed this year more than ever to grow global pressure to end the genocide and dismantle apartheid. Neither can continue without the complicity of states, corporations and institutions, particularly in the colonial West.
While Palestinians remain steadfast in the face of this genocide and persist with our liberation struggle, we take hope and strength from global solidarity expressed in mass demonstrations from Jakarta to Washington, Cape Town to London, and Rabat to Baghdad; trade union actions to stop arms shipments to Israel in Belgium, Italy, Greece, Turkey and elsewhere; hundreds of creative civil disobedience actions (sit-ins, peaceful occupations, walk-outs, strikes, etc.) worldwide; fast-growing grassroots BDS campaigns and calls for military embargo; strong declarations of solidarity by racial, Indigenous, climate, gender and social justice movements; high-profile statements by prominent artists, writers, academics, international experts in genocide, as well as by progressive Jewish groups, human rights and civil rights organizations; and a million local, grassroots solidarity actions and creative initiatives worldwide.
Not only Israeli apartheid is on trial at the World Court. All states, corporations and institutions that have aided and abetted its system of oppression that has culminated in the current genocide are also on trial. But international law mechanisms are only effective if we exercise our collective agency to make international law serve our struggle for justice.
South Africa has recognized the ongoing Nakba of the Palestinian people through Israel’s colonization since 1948, which has systematically and forcibly dispossessed, displaced, and fragmented the Palestinian people, deliberately denying them their internationally recognized, inalienable right to self-determination, and their internationally recognized right of return as refugees to their towns and villages, in what is now the State of Israel.
– South Africa’s opening statement at the International Court of Justice, January 2024
With effective grassroots campaigning, we can build people power to end this genocide and dismantle its root causes – Israel’s regime of settler colonialism and apartheid.
Join us by building campaign milestones or mobilizing for new campaigns! This IAW let’s not just educate about Israeli apartheid! Let’s escalate BDS campaigning in all fields and take meaningful steps towards supporting the ongoing Palestinian struggle to dismantle it.
This March, march for justice, freedom and equality, march for ending genocide and apartheid.
Between Monday, Feb. 19 and Wednesday, Feb. 21, the ASPC will host a vote on a student-led referendum regarding Pomona College’s investments in Israel and whether Pomona should disclose their holdings and divest — sell their holdings — from “the apartheid system in the state of Israel.” The referendum, which was proposed by Divest Claremont Colleges and endorsed by 34 other on-campus student organizations, will be held via a confidential ballot system sent to students’ email addresses.
The referendum was created for the purpose of gathering the opinions of the student body. It contains five distinct questions and seeks to offer insight into student views on divestment, disclosure and academic boycott.
“Divest Claremont Colleges has requested this referendum to provide an outlet for students to formally express their opinions regarding the institution’s relationship with the apartheid system within the state of Israel,” an informational sheet on the referendum reads.
This is not the first time Pomona has seen student action backing calls for divestment. The college has had two major student divestment initiatives in the past: one called for divestment from South African apartheid in the 1980s and 1990s, while the other called for divestment from fossil fuels in spring 2022. Neither resulted in Pomona’s withdrawal of investments, but they did result in protests, student activism and, in the case of fossil fuels, a referendum which revealed that 88 percent of students voted in favor of a resolution to divest.
On Thursday, Feb. 15, student organizers held a teach-in at Walker Beach to educate community members about the referendum’s purpose and to explain why they believe it is necessary to bolster the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement on campus. Approximately 45 students gathered at the event while organizers distributed blankets, masks and “Vote yes for divest” pins.
At the teach-in, organizers gave a presentation that explained what the BDS movement is, discussed the history of referendums at Pomona and outlined the topics that the new referendum will cover.
They began this presentation with a request that people use certain language when discussing those who have died as a result of Israel’s attacks in Gaza.
“All civilians who are killed by the Israeli Defense Forces are considered martyred because ‘murdered’ does not capture the full political context of their deaths,” the presenting organizer said.
The organizers then went over several recent news stories to provide attendees with context and, with what they explained as, a “political grounding for what is at stake [with this referendum].”
At one point during the teach-in, organizers called attention to the Pomona College Investments Office’s mission statement, which states that “Pomona’s endowment exists to support the College’s mission to enable students to identify and address their intellectual passions.”
One organizer argued that, by investing in Israeli companies, the college has failed to do this.
“Our intellectual passions aren’t located in investing with the escalating apartheid system, so we understand that Pomona needs to stop prioritizing profit,” the organizer said.
Pomona Chief Communications Officer Mark Kendall, however, suggested that Pomona’s endowment serves to benefit the student body by supporting a wider range of students.
“Pomona’s endowment exists to fund the college’s mission and makes it possible for Pomona to recruit and enroll students from all backgrounds and provide excellent financial aid,” he wrote in an email to TSL.
On Feb. 16, the day after the teach-in, President Gabrielle Starr emailed the Pomona community criticizing the referendum, noting that her concerns about it were “deep.” She specifically condemned the referendum’s focus on Israel, suggesting it had antisemitic implications.
“For many years now, the only nation on which ASPC has focused its activity is the world’s only Jewish state,” Starr wrote. “This singling out of Israel raises grave concerns about the referendum’s impact on members of our community. For this reason, and even though I know our students do not intend this, the referendum raises the specter of antisemitism.”
Starr instead suggested that, rather than cutting ties with the state of Israel, the College should work to connect more deeply with Israeli and Palestinian universities.
“To exclude anyone from the pursuit of knowledge on the basis of the country in which they live is contrary to our mission,” she wrote. “American and global institutions, should, far from participating in academic boycotts of other institutions, be seeking to engage deeply with Israeli and Palestinian universities in the coming days and years.”
According to Starr’s email, she had recently been in contact with the elected members of ASPC and had both listened to them and expressed her concerns. However, several of these members, who requested anonymity for safety reasons, later suggested in an interview with TSL that their conversations with Starr had been relatively one-sided.
“[The referendum] is purely symbolic and useless in [Starr’s] eyes because she just doesn’t think we’ll ever divest,” one ASPC member said. “She wasn’t listening to us; we were listening to her.”
One leader of Divest Claremont Colleges, who asked to remain anonymous due to safety concerns, expressed a similar frustration. They explained that their numerous attempts to meet with Starr in the past had been met with either no response or with unproductive staff interactions. They also described feeling ostracized by Starr’s emails, especially with her claim that the referendum incites ideas of antisemitism.
“President Starr [wrote] about how she cares so deeply about fostering dialogue,” they said. “When you are villainizing organizers, you are absolutely not fostering a space to have open dialogue where we feel safe to engage.”
The leader of Divest Claremont Colleges said that Starr’s criticisms of the referendum’s definitions — which were provided on the informational sheet for terms such as “divestment” and “apartheid” — similarly prevented community members from having open dialogue.
In Starr’s email, she had argued that the referendum’s definitions were not truly neutral and that they consequently prevented people from having productive discussions.
“The referendum provides no path for informed debate or discussion while offering as settled ‘definitions’ a set of highly debatable and hotly contested propositions, and thus ignores the principles of good governance and the educational mission of our community,” Starr wrote.
In contradiction to Starr’s suggestion, the Divest Claremont Colleges leader explained that the definitions used in the referendum came from neutral sources. The definition of “apartheid,” for instance, was taken directly from the United Nations.
“[Starr] is attempting to characterize the referendum as this extremely one-sided game that is pushing students into a certain direction,” they said. “Really, we were extremely careful to use … very specific language just based on what major human rights organizations have said about what’s happening in Palestine.”
Some community members also criticized Starr’s call for students to engage with Israeli and Palestinian universities.
“We cannot ‘engage’ with our Palestinian colleagues in Gaza if literally nothing remains of Gaza’s basic infrastructure and educational landscape,” the Claremont Faculty for Justice in Palestine (FJP) wrote in a response to Starr’s email, which they shared with TSL.
FJP also commented on Starr’s concerns about unintentional prejudice and the “specter of antisemitism” in ASPC’s hosting of the referendum.
“The BDS movement is explicit in its rejection of all forms of racism and antisemitism,” FJP wrote. “President Starr’s insinuation that this referendum singles out Israel and is therefore antisemitic is a tired tactic used to silence critics of Israel, smear boycott supporters and deflect attention from Israel’s current violent assault against Palestinians in Gaza.”
Similarly, a Feb. 18 email from the Jewish Voice for Peace – Los Angeles (JVP-LA) addressing Starr criticized her portrayal of ASPC and the Pomona student body as antisemitic by engaging with Divest Claremont Colleges’ referendum.
“ASPC’s focus on the Israeli state is a response to that state’s Jewish supremacism, which is to say, its existence as an ethno-supremacist state,” they wrote. “This social justice focus is fundamentally no different than that of activists who opposed the earlier apartheid state in South Africa. The most heinous thing here is that your false charges of antisemitism attack and undermine criticism of the Israeli state at a moment when that state is engaged in genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. We all should be united in working to stop, rather than shield, that genocide.”
They criticized not only Starr’s charges of antisemitism, but also her failure to recognize the experiences of anti-Zionist Jewish, Palestinian and Arab students.
“Put simply, you present yourself as caring about Jewish students and their safety, but you render invisible and thus harm your many anti-Zionist Jewish students, as well as your [Palestinian] and Arab students,” they wrote.
Despite the backlash that Starr is currently facing for her email, Kendall suggested that the college would not change its stance.
“Whatever the results of this symbolic move, our values won’t change,” Kendall wrote in an email to TSL. “We will continue to pursue thoughtful dialogue and mutual respect. We will continue to welcome scholars and students from around the world, including Israel. We will continue to open doors and seek common ground.”
Still, student leaders emphasized the importance of voting on this referendum.
“I know that with actions like President Starr sending emails like these, it can be kind of demoralizing and it feels like we can’t accomplish anything with this administration,” the Divest Claremont Colleges leader said. “But at the end of the day, the power is with the students.”
The ASPC members agreed, explaining that the referendum was widely supported by students and that their votes mattered.
“The fact that [Starr] is even emailing means that she is scared, which means that we do have power,” the first ASPC member said. “Don’t let anyone make you feel like your vote is insignificant.”
They also emphasized that voting would be a safeguarded process.
“Votes are truly 100 percent confidential,” the first ASPC member said. “Your name is not involved. The only reason you have to log-in on the ASPC website is to prove that you are a Pomona student. It is truly confidential and on top of that, protected.”
Voting opens on Monday, Feb. 19 via a digital ballot that will be sent to all Pomona students via their school emails. There will be five yes-no questions related to Pomona’s current investments and whether the college should divest from stocks backing Israel. Voting closes on Wednesday, Feb. 21.
About 100 mask-wearing Claremont Colleges students weathered steady rainfall Monday to take part in “5C walk out for Palestine” at Pomona College’s Marston Quad.
The 1:30 p.m. protest, organized by Pomona Divest Apartheid, focused on the college’s endowment investments and included students banging on pots with plastic cutlery and chants such as, “Israel bombs, Pomona pays, how many kids did you kill today?”
According to posts on Pomona Divest Apartheid’s Instagram page, the group’s list of demands are that Pomona College, “divest completely from all weapons manufacturers and all institutions that aid in the ongoing occupation of Palestine”; “adhere to the USACBI academic boycott”; “publicly call for an immediate and permanent ceasefire in Gaza”; “publicly condemn Israel’s apartheid, occupation, ethnic cleansing, genocide, and dehumanization of Palestinians”; and “institute anti-discrimination policies explicitly for Palestinian, Muslim, Arab, SWANA, Black, Brown, and Indigenous students.”
On Monday, demonstrators formed a circle around organizers, who took turns reading statements from Pomona College students who say they faced punishment for participating in demonstrations over the past several weeks.
Organizers then urged protestors to complete the boycott, divest and sanctions movement referendum emailed by Associated Students of Pomona College, at which point nearly all of the students took out their phones and complied. The survey, “regarding Pomona’s investments in Israel and whether Pomona should disclose their holdings and divest — sell their holdings — from ‘the apartheid system in the state of Israel,’” is active through Wednesday, according to reporting fromThe Student Life.
The referendum was proposed by Divest Claremont Colleges, an organization made up of Claremont Colleges students pushing the schools to “divest their endowments from fossil fuels and push for a more socially just world.” Organizers denied the Courier’s request to access the survey, but according to The Student Life it was “created for the purpose of gathering the opinions of the student body,” and includes five questions that seek to “offer insight into student views on divestment, disclosure and academic boycott.”
The demonstration closed with organizers handing out pamphlets with information about Pomona College’s endowment — $2.8 billion as of December, 2023. The pamphlet did not list “companies that cause harm to students and their communities” by name, but asserted that the college has refused to divest from such institutions.
None of the demonstrators or organizers of the protest would speak to the Courier.
According to a safety sheet handed out to student protestors on Monday, “Once the demonstration starts, keep your mask on and do not give your name or personal information to anyone.” It also urged protestors not to engage with campus security, administration, Zionists, or media. It also suggested safety measures including traveling in groups, not providing identification to campus security, and not telling anyone that they took part in the rally.
Monday’s demonstration follows a February 9 action outside Alexander Hall that saw protestors demand Pitzer College suspend its study abroad program with the University of Haifa in Israel. On February 12, Pitzer President Strom Thacker noted he had attended a meeting where Pitzer’s Student Senate passed such resolution, and the college subsequently issued this statement:
“Pitzer College is aware of the resolution passed by the Student Senate and respects the right of that elected body to act within our shared governance structure. It should be noted that the Student Senate does not speak for the College, nor does it represent the views of all Pitzer students.”
Another gathering, a BDS referendum teach-in, took place February 15.
Last month, pro-Palestinian scholars launched multiple campaigns circulating on the internet. One was titled “Scholars’ Call Launches International Campaign for Ceasefire in Palestine.” The campaigners announced that in Palestine, the New Year’s and Christmas festivities were canceled this year. A large group of International scholars signed another statement, “All I want for the holidays is a ceasefire,” endorsed by high-profile intellectuals and scientists. The statement gathered almost 3,500 academic signatures within 48 hours.
The calls cited several renowned scholars, including Palestinian Rashid Khalidi of Columbia University, who declared, “All people of conscience should demand an immediate halt to this genocidal war.” Anti-Israel Israeli historian Avi Shlaim of Oxford University stated, “Israel is committing multiple war crimes on a daily basis. It needs to be stopped immediately.” The Palestinian Karma Nabulsi, Oxford University’s prominent laws of war theorist, also signed the petition. Judith Butler, Distinguished Professor at UC Berkeley, stated, “The time is now to end this violence and to demand freedom and justice for Palestine.”
The petition “All I want for the holidays is a ceasefire,” was organized by Scholars Against the War in Palestine (SAWP). This campaign coordinated cross-disciplinary transnational actions and education, bringing together Indigenous, African American, Jewish, Arab, and other scholars. Endorsed by leading figures in the Humanities, Social Sciences, Law, STEM, and Medicine from the US, Canada, Britain, and South Africa, SAWP is the largest of its kind to date. The group states that it was inspired by Palestinian civil rights organizations and higher educational institutions and urged academics to take action to stop the war.
SAWP makes the following demands: “- Immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire; – End the siege of Gaza;- Defend the Palestinian right to education; – End the military occupation of all Palestinian lands; – Dismantle the apartheid system; – Implement the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the rights of self determination and return.”
The McGill Daily, an independent student newspaper at McGill University, Canada, took the accusations even further. Titled “Scholasticide in Gaza,” the article introduced the term “scholasticide” to the readers. It said, “in the wake of Israel’s recent bombing of Gaza’s last standing university.” According to the article, the concept of “scholasticide” first appeared in 2009 in The Guardian and TheNew York Times where it said, “A new word emerged from the carnage in Gaza this week: ‘scholasticide’ – the systematic destruction by Israeli forces of centers of education dear to Palestinian society, as the ministry of education was bombed, the infrastructure of teaching destroyed, and schools across the Gaza strip targeted for attack by the air, sea and ground offensives.”
The McGill Daily claims that “Palestinian scholars and global educators alike witnessed the destruction of the last standing university in Gaza as Al-Israa University was blown up by Israeli forces. Over the last couple of months, Israeli soldiers occupied the university campus and turned it into a military base camp. Alongside the buildings affected by the blast, over 3000 rare artifacts were destroyed in a national museum established by the university.” Birzeit University, located in the West Bank, reaffirmed, “It’s all a part of the Israeli occupation’s goal to make Gaza uninhabitable; a continuation of the genocide being carried out in Gaza Strip.”
According to McGill Daily, for decades, “schools in Gaza have been targeted by Israeli attacks, in addition to cultural institutions elsewhere such as the 1982 looting of the Palestinian Research Centre in Beirut and the accompanying destruction of historical archives. Furthermore, centers of education replacing previously destroyed institutions have also been targeted, such as attacks in 2009 on the UN-established school in the Jabaliya refugee camp. In light of Israel’s recent assault on Gaza,”
Academics across the world and prompted the petition by SAWP. Where scholars from institutes across Israel, such as Anat Matar, an Israeli philosopher and activist, have also joined.
Another petition, “Scholars for Palestine UK: Urgent Call to End the War on Palestine,” was organized by Arab and Palestinian scholars in British universities. “we issue this call in support of colleagues under attack in Palestine and the recent Unified Call for Justice and Freedom issued by Palestinian Higher Education institutions.” They endorse and welcome the launch of the SAWP, and the call for an immediate, unconditional, and permanent ceasefire. “We urge all academics in British universities to join us in opposing the targeted destruction of Palestinian universities in Gaza and the relentless assault on the wider Palestinian academic community.”
They stated, “We stand opposed to Israel’s grave violations of Palestinian human rights and academic freedom, including the ongoing genocidal campaign in Gaza.” British institutions and university pension funds invest millions of pounds in companies implicated in Israel’s military occupation, colonialism, and apartheid. This financial entanglement and the collaboration with arms companies that profit from the very onslaught against the Palestinian people raises critical questions about the role of our higher education institutions in perpetuating systems of oppression. In the face of this complicity, staff and students have organized ‘walk outs’, teach-ins, and protests, whilst students’ unions and staff trade unions have expressed their solidarity with Palestinians both locally and nationally. This activism within our academic communities illustrates a commitment to ethical conduct and a refusal to be passive enablers of injustice. We must continue and escalate these actions.”
The Arab and Palestinian academics call on all academics in Britain to join their campaign. They put forward a long list of demands, urging scholars to “Step up the pressure to end the war on Gaza and join the international movement calling for an immediate, unconditional, and permanent ceasefire. End complicity in the arms trade: Work to uncover if your university has investments, contracts or cooperation agreements with weapons companies supplying Israel and organize to cancel them. Support the call for the USS and other university pension funds to divest from companies complicit in Israel’s crimes against the Palestinian people. Stand up for the Palestinian right to education: Speak out against the destruction of the educational sector and restrictions on academic freedom in Palestine. Organize your institutions to take a stand. Demand an end to limitations on travel, research, and expression for Palestinian scholars and students. Advocate for the removal of barriers, such as checkpoints and travel restrictions, that impede academics’ and students’ ability to attend classes, participate in research, and engage in academic activities. Support the right of international scholars to visit and collaborate with colleagues in Palestine. Build academic links with Palestinian universities and academics: Establish initiatives to foster collaborative research initiatives to combat the international isolation of Palestinian higher education. Promote exchanges, joint projects, scholarship programs, and partnerships that contribute positively to the Palestinian educational sector. Don’t cross the Palestinian picket line: Support and adhere to academic boycotts aimed at institutions complicit in the violation of Palestinian rights. Refrain from participating in collaborations, conferences, or partnerships with institutions that support or contribute to the occupation. Defend freedom of expression: Resist any attempts to stigmatize or silence staff and students at British universities engaged in research, speech, and actions on Palestine.”
The pro-Palestinian activists conveniently forget to mention the background of the war in Gaza. Hamas, a brutal terror group, took control of the Gaza Strip in 2007 when it
murdered more than a hundred PLO officials and expelled the rest of the representatives of the Palestinian Authority. Having become the sole ruler of Gaza, Hamas created a harsh dictatorship and stole untold millions of dollars from international donations. At the same time, it imposed an onerous system of taxes and fees on the impoverished population. Both streams of revenue were used to build some 500 km of underground tunnels under public buildings, including hospitals, schools, universities, mosques, and even private buildings. By embedding in populated areas, Hamas turned civilians into human shields, a tactic that the Geneva Conventions condemn.
The rest of the money was diverted to support the lavish lifestyle of Hamas leaders in the Rimal neighborhood of Gaza, the “Beverly Hills” of Gaza, and abroad. Ismail Haniyeh, the head of the political bureau Hamas, is a billionaire, and there are more than 70 millionaires among the leadership.
All along, Hamas engaged in terror attacks against Israel, kidnappings, killings of soldiers and civilians, and periodic missile attacks that paralyzed civilian life in Israel. Unwilling to cause civilian casualties in Gaza, the IDF responded with targeted bombing when civilians were warned ahead of time to leave the targeted Hamas sites. Encouraged by the Israeli restraint, Hamas launched a bloody attack on October 7, 2023, the largest killing of Jews since the Holocaust. The Nukhba Force, the elite unit of the terror group, had also borrowed the Nazi methods of decapitation, burning of civilians, including babies, and mass rape, among others.
The various petitions quoted above did not mention, let alone condemn, the Hamas atrocities. By refraining from doing so, the scholars are essentially condoning and even supporting terrorism against Israelis.
This call is issued by Scholars Against the War on Palestine (SAWP), a transnational cross-disciplinary coalition of scholars, working to advance the Palestinian call “to take urgent action to stop Israel’s current war and genocide in Gaza.”
Permanent Ceasefire Now!
Christmas and holiday festivities in Palestine were canceled this year in solidarity with Gaza. Heads of Churches in Jerusalem and Bethlehem, the city synonymous with the birthplace of Jesus, canceled all festive celebrations as Palestinians collectively mourn the loss of thousands of lives–the result of Israel’s genocidal war.
In the first ten weeks of war, Israel dropped in excess of 25,000 bombs–the equivalent of two nuclear bombs–on 2.2. million besieged Palestinians in Gaza. It has done so with unwavering support from the United States and other western nations. The bombardment has killed more than 24,000 Palestinians, including more than 8,000 children, and millions are facing starvation and dehydration as food, electricity, and water has been cut off. More than 1.1 million people have been forcefully displaced internally, and much of Gaza’s infrastructure has been carpet-bombed, destroying hospitals, schools, universities, residential units, bakeries, religious sites, archives, and government buildings and facilities.
Permanent Ceasefire Now!
Israel has waged a full scale war on Palestinian educational institutions. In Gaza, eleven out of fourteen universities are completely destroyed including the Islamic University of Gaza (IUG), Al-Azhar University, and the North Gaza branch of Al-Quds Open University. Israeli airstrikes targeted and killed renowned Palestinian intellectuals including, Sufyan Tayeh, world-leading scientist and President of IUG, and the prominent poet and English literature professor Refaat Alareer of IUG. Israeli bombs have destroyed over 239 government schools and 50 United Nations Refugee Works Agency (UNRWA) schools. Thousands of students, staff, and educators have been killed and more than 88,000 students in Gaza have been deprived at their right to education.
This holiday season, we stand with Palestinians everywhere in calling for (1) an immediate and permanent ceasefire; (2) the entry of humanitarian aid into Gaza; (3) ending Israel’s siege on Gaza; (4) ending attacks on educational and health institutions in Palestine.
Scholars Against the War on Palestine (SAWP) is a transnational coalition which brings together faculty, researchers, and graduate students to end the war on Palestine. SAWP aims to unite the academic sector by heeding the Palestinian call from higher education institutions and PACBI urging academics across the world to take action to stop the current Israeli war on Palestinians in Gaza
On January 17, Palestinian scholars and global educators alike witnessed the destruction of the last standing university in Gaza as Al-Israa University was blown up by Israeli forces. Over the last couple of months, Israeli soldiers occupied the university campus and turned it into a military base camp. Alongside the buildings affected by the blast, over 3000 rare artifacts were destroyed in a national museum established by the university. The incident, captured on drone footage, joins the ongoing list of public buildings destroyed over the last three months of conflict in Gaza.
Birzeit University, located in the West Bank, has publicly replied to the bombing, saying the institution “reaffirms the fact that this crime is part of the Israeli occupation’s onslaught against the Palestinians. It’s all a part of the Israeli occupation’s goal to make Gaza uninhabitable; a continuation of the genocide being carried out in Gaza Strip.”
The toll of educational institutes in Gaza either destroyed or severely damaged by Israeli attacks has reached over 350 schools and numerous public libraries. This latest attack on the educational and cultural institutes of Gaza has reinvigorated discussions surrounding the term “scholasticide.”
The concept of scholasticide first appeared in 2009, in response to attacks by the Israeli military against the Ministry of Education and multiple schools in Gaza. The Guardian has defined scholasticide as “the systematic destruction by Israeli forces of centres of education dear to Palestinian society.” For decades, schools in Gaza have been targeted by Israeli attacks, in addition to cultural institutions elsewhere such as the 1982 looting of the Palestinian Research Centre in Beirut and the accompanying destruction of historical archives. Furthermore, centres of education replacing previously destroyed institutions have also been targeted, such as attacks in 2009 on the UN-established school in the Jabaliya refugee camp.
In light of Israel’s recent assault on Gaza, the idea of scholasticide has been supported by academics by three of Israel’s actions: the devastation of educational infrastructure, the continuous military assault on universities and schools, and the persecution of Palestinian scholars and dissenting scholars at Israeli universities. The first and second actions have spoken for themselves over the course of the war since October, with the sheer amount of destruction across Gaza and the future of education remaining bleak for Palestinian children. Furthermore, many prominent Palestinian scholars were recently killed by Israeli strikes or offensives. The scientist, researcher and president of the Islamic University of Gaza, Sufyan Tayeh, specializing in theoretical physics and applied mathematics, was murdered along with his family in December. Similarly, the renowned professor, writer, and poet Refaat Alareer was killed in air strikes in Gaza in the same month. Alareer was well known for writing about his Gazan experience, leaving behind the emotional poem “If I Die,” shortly before the airstrike that killed him and six members of his family. Their deaths, alongside the combined efforts to reduce educational infrastructure in Gaza to rubble, have outraged academics across the world and prompted the petition Scholars Against the War on Palestine (SAWP). Scholars from institutes across Israel, such as Anat Matar, an Israeli philosopher and activist, have joined the petition, along with a wide range of signatories from Stanford to the University of Amsterdam.
One such signatory of both the SAWP petition and the open letter “Support SSMU and the Palestine Solidarity Policy” published by the Daily in April 2022 is Michelle Hartman. A professor of Arabic literature at the McGill Institute of Islamic Studies, Professor Hartman, has been deeply involved in the Palestinian cause for over a decade.
“If the concept of scholasticide works to stop what is happening in Palestine, then I am all for it. We at universities around the world must respond to the systematic destruction of Palestinian education as loudly and forcefully as possible,” she stated in an email to the Daily. “This is a comprehensive project to completely decimate physical infrastructure — bombarding schools and universities in Gaza — while deliberately targeting Palestinian professors and students for harassment, detention, and murder.”
The final element supporting the idea of scholasticide is the importance of academia in Palestinian culture and society. In 2009, TheGuardianwrote that “Palestinians are among the most thoroughly educated people in the world…[and have] put a singular emphasis on learning.” In the same article, Dr. Karma Nabulsi, a Professor of Politics and International Relations at Oxford University, stated that for many Palestinians, “education is the most important thing – it is part of the family life, part of your identity, and part of the rebellion.” The resilience of Palestinian culture and education is showcased by the country’s extremely high literacy rates. With a literacy rate of 97.7 per cent, Palestine ranks above countries such as Singapore, Hong Kong, and Turkey. This achievement is a testament to the Palestinian commitment to education regardless of ongoing conflict and humanitarian crises. Prof. Hartman continues along this vein.
“As scholars and as students, we must remind the world that the lives, thoughts, and work of our Palestinian peers are as worthy as our own. This is not because academia is more important than other spheres or academics are more important than other people. But education is a central value in Palestinian society and the attack on education is meant to destroy not only buildings but the aspirations, hope, and spirit of a people,” she wrote. “In an iconic poem, Mahmoud Darwish asks the colonizer, “Why not memorize a little poetry to stop the slaughter?” We must listen to him, and other Palestinians, and defend their right to exist and thrive—the future poets, alongside everyone else.”
Scholars’ Call Launches International Campaign for Ceasefire in Palestine
January 4, 2024
While New Year’s and Christmas festivities were cancelled in Palestine this year, thousands of scholars around the world spoke out by signing the “All I want for the holidays is a ceasefire” statement. Issued on the Saturday before Christmas and endorsed by high-profile intellectuals and scientists, the statement gathered more than 3,400 academic signatures within 48 hours. The call for signatures is closed today.
“All people of conscience should demand an immediate halt to this genocidal war,” declares Rashid Khalidi (Columbia University). “Israel is committing multiple war crimes on a daily basis. It needs to be stopped immediately,” states eminent Israeli historian Avi Shlaim (Oxford).
Signatories to the statement include esteemed philosopher Cornel R. West, Fields Medalist mathematician David Mumford, acclaimed writer Leanne Betasamosake Simpson, prominent laws of war theorist Karma Nabulsi, and distinguished theoretical physicist Carlo Rovelli.
“Solidarity, including on the part of medical scholars and other academics, is essential for saving lives and charting a pathway for freedom,” says renowned surgeon Prof. Ghassan Abu-Sittah.
“All I want for the holidays is a ceasefire” is organized by Scholars Against the War in Palestine (SAWP). The campaign coordinates cross-disciplinary transnational actions and education, bringing together Indigenous, African American, Jewish, Arab and other scholars. It is endorsed by leading figures in the Humanities, Social Sciences, Law, STEM, and Medicine from the US, Canada, Britain, and South Africa.
“Scholars Against the War on Palestine’s approach is exactly what is needed now,” says Nancy Fraser, Loeb Professor of Philosophy and Politics at the New School for Social Research. SAWP is the largest global outcry from scholars to date, inspired by calls from Palestinian civil rights organizations and higher educational institutions for academics to take action to stop the war.
SAWP makes the following demands:
– Immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire;
– End the siege of Gaza; – Defend the Palestinian right to education;
– End the military occupation of all Palestinian lands;
– Dismantle the apartheid system;
– Implement the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the rights of self determination and return.
Judith Butler, Distinguished Professor at UC Berkeley states, “The time is now to end this violence and to demand freedom and justice for Palestine.”
For further information contact: Sue Ferguson (Canada): 713-581-0147; David McNally (US): 832-617-3702; and/or email us at: info@scholarsagainstwar.org
Scholars for Palestine UK: Urgent Call to End the War on Palestine
As Arab and Palestinian scholars in British universities, we issue this call in support of colleagues under attack in Palestine and the recent Unified Call for Justice and Freedom issued by Palestinian Higher Education institutions. We endorse and welcome the launch of the Scholars Against the War on Palestine (SAWP), and the call for an immediate, unconditional, and permanent ceasefire.
We urge all academics in British universities to join us in opposing the targeted destruction of Palestinian universities in Gaza and the relentless assault on the wider Palestinian academic community. We stand opposed to Israel’s grave violations of Palestinian human rights and academic freedom, including the ongoing genocidal campaign in Gaza; military raids, armed attacks, and arbitrary arrest and detention of Palestinian students and staff at West Bank universities; and threats of suspension, expulsion, personal attacks and violence against Palestinians in Israeli universities.
The systematic assault on the educational sector in Palestine is one dimension of Israel’s campaign against Palestinian civic and social infrastructure. It is part of an historic and ongoing project of ethnic cleansing and fragmentation that denies the Palestinian people their inalienable rights, including millions of Palestinians who are prevented from returning to their homeland. Israel’s attack on Palestinian education contributes to a system of displacement and dispossession by attacking the cultural and intellectual life of the Palestinian people, by preventing them from living, thriving, studying, and teaching on their ancestral lands and excluding them from free and equal participation in the international academic community. As scholars, we vehemently oppose these actions, recognising that education is not only a fundamental human right but a crucial pillar for the preservation of identity, heritage, and civic life.
British universities are directly complicit in the active destruction of Palestinian universities and the ongoing obstruction of access to education. British institutions and university pension funds invest millions of pounds in companies implicated in Israel’s military occupation, colonialism, and apartheid. This financial entanglement and the collaboration with arms companies that profit from the very onslaught against the Palestinian people raises critical questions about the role of our higher education institutions in perpetuating systems of oppression.
In the face of this complicity, staff and students have organised ‘walk outs’, teach-ins, and protests, whilst students’ unions and staff trade unions have expressed their solidarity with Palestinians both locally and nationally. This activism within our academic communities illustrates a commitment to ethical conduct and a refusal to be passive enablers of injustice. We must continue and escalate these actions.
We draw inspiration from the long tradition of international solidarity in British higher education institutions, exemplified by the scholars, students and staff who campaigned against Apartheid in South Africa, championed the fight against racism in Britain, and took the ethical stand against war, from Vietnam to Iraq. This legacy fuels our conviction that as scholars, we must heed the call for action issued by our Palestinian colleagues. At this critical moment, we urge our colleagues in Britain to join us in responding to this call, and collectively affirm our commitment to realising our shared universal principles of justice and the unwavering pursuit of a world free from oppression and violence.
An active stance by British academics against these ongoing attacks is all the more urgent given Britain’s historic colonial and continuing material and political complicity in the dispossession of the Palestinian people. As such, we call on all academics in Britain to join our campaign and:
Step up the pressure to end the war on Gaza and join the international movement calling for an immediate, unconditional, and permanent ceasefire.
End complicity in the arms trade: Work to uncover if your university has investments, contracts or cooperation agreements with weapons companies supplying Israel and organise to cancel them. Support the call for the USS and other university pension funds to divest from companies complicit in Israel’s crimes against the Palestinian people.
Stand up for the Palestinian right to education : Speak out against the destruction of the educational sector and restrictions on academic freedom in Palestine. Organise your institutions to take a stand. Demand an end to limitations on travel, research, and expression for Palestinian scholars and students. Advocate for the removal of barriers, such as checkpoints and travel restrictions, that impede academics’ and students’ ability to attend classes, participate in research, and engage in academic activities. Support the right of international scholars to visit and collaborate with colleagues in Palestine.
Build academic links with Palestinian universities and academics: Establish initiatives to foster collaborative research initiatives to combat the international isolation of Palestinian higher education. Promote exchanges, joint projects, scholarship programmes and partnerships that contribute positively to the Palestinian educational sector.
Don’t cross the Palestinian picket line: Support and adhere to academic boycotts aimed at institutions complicit in the violation of Palestinian rights. Refrain from participating in collaborations, conferences, or partnerships with institutions that support or contribute to the occupation.
Defend freedom of expression: Resist any attempts to stigmatise or silence staff and students at British universities engaged in research, speech, and actions on Palestine.
by 
מחאת סטודנטים נגד השעייתה של פרופ’ נדירה שילהוב-קיבורקיאן
Source: Twitter
Source: Twitter
Source: Twitter
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Palestine Polytechnic University, Hebron, PalestineMohammedTamimi
University College of Applied Sciences, Gaza, PalestineOlaAzam
LINK Center, University of OsloIyadAbualrub
LINK Center, University of OsloHegeHermansen
israel-academia-monitor.com 