IAM has reported on how political activist-academics abuse their university tolerance and resources to push their political agenda.
The Ethiopian protest following the killing of Solomon Tekah by an off-duty police officer is the most recent case in point.
Although the general public did not realize it, the violent protest was adopted and apparently encouraged by radical left-wing groups. According to one Ethiopian protester, the groups that joined the protest were "inciting the young people of my community against the State of Israel... [they want to] see blood in the streets more than they want to help our community. They push themselves into any legitimate struggle and turn it into a struggle against the state.”
One such a group is "Standing Together," which distributed ready-made placards. The images of "Standing Together" taking part in the protest didn't escape the international media, see below some examples, even Iran reported on these events.
"Standing Together" is a political group formed by various activists and academics, among them BGU Prof. Dani Filc, Sapir College Dr. Yeela Raanan, TAU Prof. Roy Kreitner. "Standing Together" is registered in Israel as a Company for the Benefit of the Public (acronym: Halatz).
In 2016, Filc explained the raison d'être of the new movement while it received financial support from Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, a German foundation associated with the German Socialist Left Party. Writing on the Rosa-Lux website, Filc stated that "Standing Together” is an “attempt to build a broad Left Jewish-Arab movement... [against] the attacks by the government on democratic freedoms and on the Arab-Palestinian minority."
Filc also listed several events of civil unrest which his group initiated, sometimes collaborating with other groups: "'Standing Together' initiated a peace march in the center of Jerusalem (October 17th, 2015), attended by 2,000 Jewish and Arab participants (CNN Report). This was quickly followed by a Jewish-Arab rally in the southern Arab-Bedouin town of Rahat (October 31st) and in northern city of Haifa (November 1st), attended by hundreds. When the Right-Extremist group 'Im Tirtzu' launched a smear campaign against 'Breaking the Silence' and other organizations, 'Standing Together' organized in December 19th, 2015, a 3,000-strong march in Tel-Aviv (Times of Israel). Since November, they hold monthly Israeli-Palestinian peace demonstrations in the occupied territories, organized jointly with 'Combatants for Peace'. Hundreds attend these demonstrations, called the 'Freedom Marches.' (Jerusalem Post)."
Filc also listed the plans for the future, "a rally in Tel-Aviv on May 20th, in support of the Arab-Bedouin unrecognized village of Umm El-Hiran. They have begun the planning of a long-term process towards a broad 'Equality March', to be held in late 2016, that will march from Nazareth to Jerusalem, bringing together, under one umbrella, the demand for equality for various groups in Israeli society: Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel, immigrants from the former USSR and from Ethiopia, Mizrahi (‘Sephardic’) Jews, precarious workers, women, the LGBT community, etc."
Filc ended his piece by expressing hopes that "Standing Together" will be the next Jewish-Arab political movement for both NGOs working together with electoral parties. "In order to combat apathy and demoralization, They need a political movement which occupies the vast empty space between the electoral parties on the one hand and the NGOs on the other hand. This Jewish-Arab movement will be inclusive, pluralistic, activist-based and democratically operated. hopefully ‘Standing Together’ will be the beginning of such a movement.”
Obviously, Filc forgets that teachers are not allowed to take up political activities, as published by the Ministry of Education in 2009, that the "teaching staff, as being trusted and responsible for students, must be seen as impartial, including in private communications, as neutral and objective as possible. He must act with restraint and tolerance, and not encourage or give preference to one political position or another." While it is accepted that campuses host student chapters of political parties, still, members of staff affiliated with these parties may find themselves preferring students from their own party, while rejecting students affiliated with the opposition. Such cases could present bias.
The list of activists in “Standing Together” is composed of current and former students. There are four student chapters, Tel Aviv University, Hebrew University, Ben Gurion University, and the University of Haifa. By recruiting students, Filc and his comrades use university facilities and resources.
Filc is a longstanding political figure who was once elected to the board of directors of Meretz. The Meretz website lists his activities. He is currently affiliated with the Communist Party which recently announced the publication of his new book, co-authored with MK Dov Khenin.
The academic-political nexus of Filc is also evident in his supervision of graduate students. Filc was a second supervisor of a Ph.D. thesis of Dr. Abed (AlKader) Kanaaneh at the Hebrew University, who wrote a dissertation on "Hezbollah in Lebanon: The Muqawamah as a Contra-Hegemonic Project" under the supervision of Prof. Eyal Zisser and Filc. Zisser is a renowned expert on Syria and Lebanon, but Filc is a medical doctor focusing on academic-medical topics. Not surprisingly, Kanaaneh is a member of the Communist party and Hadash, as well as the former parliamentary advisor of MK Dov Khenin, and the director of the department of equality policy of Sikkuy, the Association for Civil Equality in Israel.
As a radical left wing activist, Filc writes academic papers on the "Political Radicalization in Israel: From a Populist Habitus to Radical Right Populism in Government" which analyzes the "process of radicalization of the Likud party". And also co-authored an article with Dr. Amit Avigur-Eshel, another member of Meretz.
The political activism by academics is unethical because the Israeli taxpayer is essentially subsidizing their political agenda, which in return instigate civil unrest.
Left-wing groups accused of ‘hijacking’ Israeli-Ethiopian protests
When the tragic shooting of 19-year-old Solomon Tekah touched off nationwide protests, left-wing groups fanned the flames, activists say, seeking to use grassroots demonstrations for political gain.
BY ELIANA RUDEE
(July 7, 2019 / JNS) Thousands of Israelis took to the streets last week following the shooting of a young Israeli-Ethiopian man by an off-duty police officer. More than 100 rioters were arrested, with dozens of injuries reported both among protesters and police.
The violence of the riots, along with accusations that Israel’s police and government are racist, surprised many across Israel, raising concerns that organizations with political agendas were inflaming the protests for political gain.
When Smadar Taspai, a social worker for Israeli-Ethiopian youth at risk, found out about the death of 19-year-old Solomon Tekah, she was “devastated,” but didn’t rush to judgement.
“We are waiting to see the video; we want to see what happened,” Taspai told JNS. Taspai did voice her concern, however, that stereotypes of the Ethiopian community might have contributed to the shooting, as well as to the shooting of 24-year-old Israeli-Ethiopian Yehuda Biadga by police in January.
“There is a big distinction between individual racists and systematic racism by law or de facto policy.”
According to the officer’s testimony, he was walking in Haifa’s Kiryat Haim neighborhood after dark with his wife and children when they happened upon a street fight between young Israeli-Ethiopian men. When he identified himself as a police officer and tried to break up the fight, the young men began to throw rocks at him. The officer claimed that he perceived a danger to himself and his family, and fired at the ground. The bullet ricocheted off the ground and hit Tekah in the chest.
The officer, who cannot be named due to a gag order, was arrested on suspicion of unlawful killing and later released to house arrest, under heavy guard for his own protection. Charges of manslaughter have already been dropped. Police have yet to release security camera footage of the incident, although there are rumors that such footage exists and supports the officer’s version of events.
According to Eytan Meir, director of external relations for the Israeli NGO Im Tirtzu, while this is not the first police shooting of an Israeli-Ethiopian, such shootings are “isolated incidents” rather than an indication of any systematic racism or stereotyping.
“Ethiopians are 100 percent Israelis,” he told JNS. “Israel risked its own security when it rescued Ethiopians in ‘Operation Moses’ and ‘Solomon’ in the 1980s and ’90s, respectively—that doesn’t sound like the acts of a racist country.”
Solomon Tekah, an Ethiopian Israeli who was shot and killed by an off-duty police officer in Kiryat Haim, outside Haifa, on July 1, 2019. Credit: Courtesy.
According to Meir, what started as a natural protest at an unfortunate death was twisted into a political charade that did not represent the will of the aggrieved Ethiopian community.
“The protests started as a grassroots, spontaneous movement in the Ethiopian community,” said Meir, “but it is evident that the radical left-wing group New Israel Fund rapidly tried to hijack them.”
According to Meir, left-wing organizations sought to use the Israeli-Ethiopian protests as a vehicle to advance their agenda of dismantling Israel’s right-wing government. In particular, Meir pointed to the organization Omdim B’Yachad, or “Standing Together,” which he calls “one of the pet projects of New Israel Fund.”
According to Meir, the group claims to be “grassroots,” despite its funding sources. “As the smoke cleared,” said Meir, “it became evident that ‘Standing Together,’ which receives funding from the New Israel Fund, was heavily involved in the protests that began on Tuesday.”
Meir’s account is corroborated by joint report of the Jewish Press and the Tazpit News Agency, according to which “Standing Together” (not to be confused with the legally registered Israeli NGO Standing Together that provides food and drink to Israeli soldiers) had a prominent presence at the demonstrations.
According to the report, the group is funded by the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, an arm of the Die Linke Party, the only party in Germany that does not recognize Israel’s existence. The organization was also reportedly behind protests against the deportation of illegal infiltrators from Israel to a third country last winter.
Israeli-Ethiopian activist Bezalel Yaakov wrote a scathing attack on his Facebook page against the left-wing leaders at the demonstrations.
“Our struggle is against policy, not against the state.”
“Unfortunately, I see the human scum of the Breaking the Silence and the New Israel Fund inciting the young people of my community against the State of Israel,” he charged. He warned his followers that the “progressives” want to “see blood in the streets more than they want to help our community. They push themselves into any legitimate struggle and turn it into a struggle against the state.”
“Our struggle is against policy and not against the state,” he said. “Yes to the protest, no to violence. I doubt that they would have shown up if there were no elections soon,” he added, referring to the Israeli general elections set for September.
Meir explains that the left-wing political entities are attempting to link the Ethiopian community in Israel with the U.S. civil-rights struggle.
Any comparisons between the circumstances of Israeli-Ethiopians and those of African-Americans in the United States, he said, is “absurd.”
“There is no semblance of a parallel; it’s comparing apples and oranges. There is a big distinction between individual racists and systematic racism by law or de facto policy,” said Meir.
At the same time, while stating that Israel is certainly not a racist country he noted that there are certainly individual racists in Israel, just as there are in every country.
“Some people are racist and we should denounce them,” said Meir. “Every citizen in Israel should be treated equally.”
Similarly, Taspai said that while she sees some similarities, the comparison is upsetting.
“I don’t like it when people compare the Ethiopian story to the United States,” she said. “There’s something unique here and there. Here, we are all Jewish and supposed to be equal, but there, there was slavery.”
In her work with Israeli-Ethiopians ages 13-21, Taspai has found that Israeli-Ethiopian teens and young adults have become “very, very angry” in the past few years.
Taspai, who immigrated to Israel with her family from Ethiopia in 1983, one year before “Operation Moses,” said that the generation she works with is very different from her own or that of her parents. The Ethiopians of the past were known to be modest and docile, she said, while the generations born in Israel are “stronger and more determined” and do not stay quiet when they see something that needs to be changed.
“This is the country we dreamed of and adore, but sometimes we feel people are trying to push us and we ask, ‘Why?’ I am trying to be objective, not to be too involved, but [the question remains],” she said.
Taspai’s brother is a police officer, and she noted that there are many good officers among the Israel Police force. Previous generations of Israeli-Ethiopians, she said, have a great respect for the police and vice versa, both back in Ethiopia and in Israel, but this trust is now being challenged.
While Taspai estimates that a staggering 70 percent of Israeli Border Police are of Ethiopian descent, “The teens have a lot of criticism about the police and Israeli government.”
According to Taspai, the teens “want justice and to feel equal. They were born in Israel and grew up as Israelis with strong Jewish identities, but still feel discriminated against whether in school, on the street or by the police.”
While there are various initiatives seeking to better relations between members of the police and the Ethiopian community, said Taspai, “they’re not really working.”
She said “we need to put more effort into education from a young age and ensure there are Ethiopians in every sector of society, including educators, so people see them and know them, preventing stereotypes rather than only seeing them in the army and news.”
While she understands the frustrations of young Israeli-Ethiopians, she said, she tells those she works with that “you don’t solve violence with violence,” urging them to think of more effective ways to fight discrimination.
“Nobody is waking up saying, ‘We’re going to shoot Ethiopians.’ You can’t take it personally,” she advises her youth. “Yes, there is a problem, but you can still make it in Israeli society. You can’t think that you don’t have the same opportunities; you must have hope and dreams. There are a lot of successful stories of Ethiopian educators, doctors, lawyers—we have everything.”
“You have to have trust in the Israeli state,” she urged.
Ethiopian-Israeli Community Protests Police Killing of Ethiopian Teen
HEADLINEJUL 03, 2019
In Israel, members of the Ethiopian community took to the streets Tuesday to protest racism and the police killing of teenager Solomon Tekah in Haifa on Sunday. Major roads were blocked, and 60 people were arrested as police clashed with protesters.
Elias Inbram: “The Israeli police aren’t learning. There are criminals inside the police force, and the police leadership is unable to condemn them. And it creates not only damage but also deaths.”
Analysis: Ethiopian Israelis Are Furious at 'White Media' Coverage of Protests, and for a Good Reason
The media has been working hand-in-hand with police, describing demonstrators as violent and taking a perspective in line with Israel's racist establishment
Jul 04, 2019 10:05 AM
Protesters hold signs reading 'standing together' during nationwide demonstrations, Tel Aviv, July 3, 2019. Tomer Appelbaum
This week’s protests by Israelis of Ethiopian descent following the heartbreaking death of Solomon Teka, who was shot by an off-duty policeman in the Haifa neighborhood of Kiryat Haim, should engender the sympathy of the entire society. The protests are in response to blatant, persistent, unbridled racism on the part of police against dark-skinned people that gets justified time after time by defenders of the establishment – the prosecutors, the media, the public security minister and the prime minister.
Police violence and the phenomenon of always having a finger on the trigger is directed at members of this community and, at the same time, toward Palestinians, Bedouins and Israeli Arabs more generally.
Ethiopian immigrants have been living in Israel for four decades. Their protests began soon after their arrival with the religious establishment’s failure to accept them as Jews. In addition to that, there was their rejection as blood donors, the failure to let all of their relatives immigrate, an education system that didn’t want to absorb their children, as well as the patronizing policies at Jewish Agency absorption centers and cities that refused outright to accept Ethiopian immigrants in their midst.
Those earlier protests were mainly led by what is now the older generation, and they were calmer. In 2015, a video of police beating up an Israeli soldier of Ethiopian origin, Demas Fekadeh, without justification caused uproar. That incident triggered protests that saw a new, younger and painful voice crying out against what the older generation hadn’t dared say directly – that Israel’s policies were openly and covertly racist against them. Following those protests, a unit was created at the Justice Ministry to coordinate a campaign against racism, but from the standpoint of the Ethiopian community, it only confirmed the existence of racism and in effect nothing changed in how the country handled the issue.
As part of the effort to address racism toward the Ethiopian community, a project was launched to teach police about the community’s culture. Members of the community were uncomfortable with the project and criticized it.
For her part, in her book “Strength in Immigration – The Story of Ethiopian Jews,” written in Hebrew, Shelly Engdaw-Vanda had this to say: “The project legitimizes the assumption that police violence is due to the culture of the Ethiopian community rather than due to the police. The cultural explanation is liable to legitimize the continued abuse of Ethiopian immigrants. The solution is clear: Properly dealing with members of the Ethiopian community and enforcing the law against violent police.”
“Formal institutions continue to present plans purportedly created for the sake of the community but that continue to show it in a negative light, as they show how, after so many years, they haven’t integrated into Israeli society, while that is not the real problem,” she went on to write, adding: “Perhaps these programs serve the financial needs of government agencies and other organizations.”
During the current wave of protests, many have written in the media about the protesters’ distrust of them, about how they keep being labeled the “white media.” The truth is that many of the journalists have honestly earned this title. There was the shameful coverage of the slaying of Yehuda Biadga, a man of Ethiopian descent with emotional difficulties, who was shot twice in January by a policeman in Bat Yam. The coverage amounted to spokesmanship for the police. My colleague at Haaretz, Josh Breiner, wrote: “The shooting at the young man was not due to racism but a lack of professionalism,” and even took the trouble to remind readers that “the job of police on patrol in a busy area like the Ayalon District is complicated, filled with confrontations and is particularly prone to burnout.”
Even before the protests began the media was already hand-in-hand with police in describing the protesters as violent – even though the protest leaders were fully cooperating with the police, and there were kessim, Ethiopian religious clerics present as well. The media also quite repeatedly described the policeman who shot Teka as having been under threat.
This pattern is repeating itself in the current protests as well. In order to try and quell the protests from the start, police reporters have been saying that we ought to wait for the results of the investigation into Teka's death, followed by reports that the policeman had faced “severe threats” when he opened fire. Now he himself is filing a complaint about threats. It was tough to miss how Tuesday’s reporting by Channel 12 was totally focused on the traffic jams. For a moment, it appeared as though that was the most important item of news for the day. The rhetoric of the reporters and presenters included infinite use of the word anger: “Tell us please why are you angry?” they asked protesters and “Are you angry?” and little by little the word “anarchy” also crept in. It’s important to pause here for a moment to stress how these important protests by the Ethiopian community against the killing of an 18-year-old were covered by the most popular television newscasts beneath the heading of “anarchy,” and were compared to the riots in France.
“To be black in the Baltimore of my youth was to be naked before the elements of the world, before all the guns, fists, knives, crack, rape and disease,” Ta Nehisi Coates wrote in his thunderous book, “Between the World and Me.” In that book he tells the story of being black in the U.S. and captures the experience of what dark skinned people feel like in society. They feel like the law doesn’t protect them, but provides an excuse to arrest and assault them.
The Israel Police must be thoroughly be cleansed of the racism that has spread throughout the system. Investigators are supposed to stop covering up for and protecting violent policemen who shoot at dark skinned people. The media must stop acting as police spokespeople, to get rid of this establishment perspective and exchange it for that of the human being who is struggling against injustice and to ask hard questions. How is it that a trained officer could not overcome a few teenagers and instead resorted to using his weapon? What sort of threat could have existed to lead him to shoot Teka to death? Why have policemen who have shot Israelis of Ethiopian descent not been put on trial?
The political establishment hasn’t really related to the Ethiopian community as a real electoral force, they serve more as decoration. It’s mostly due to their small numbers and the fact that most are loyal to the Likud and Shas. Now for the first time there are signs of awakening among opinion leaders of the community. Let’s hope community members will punish the Likud in the next election for Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan’s shameful conduct, his failure to accept responsibility and for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s lack of leadership. All of this is happening under their watch.
Israel hit by protests over police killing of youth of Ethiopian origin
Haifa (Israel) (AFP) - Angry protesters clashed with Israeli police Tuesday over an off-duty officer's killing of a young man of Ethiopian origin, as the incident drew fresh accusations of racism.
Crowds of Ethiopian Israelis battled police and blocked highways on at least 15 junctions across the country, with 47 officers wounded and 60 demonstrators detained, according to a police statement.
Thousands of motorists were stranded in huge traffic jams.
Solomon Teka, reportedly 18 or 19, was buried on Tuesday, after he was shot dead in Kiryat Haim, a town near the northern port city of Haifa, late Sunday.
His killing sparked outrage among members of the Ethiopian community, who say their young people live in constant fear of police harassment because they are black.
Dozens of protesters in Haifa blocked traffic at a central junction, as outraged motorists honked horns and police observed from a safe distance.
"We'll do whatever we can to make sure police will stop killing people because of their skin colour," one protester, identifying himself as Mengisto, told AFP.
"We don't know if this is going to happen again or not," the 26-year-old said of Sunday's fatal shooting.
"But we need confidence that the state or police give us guarantees it won't."
Images showed bonfires and burning tyres on roads, with some protesters vandalising vehicles that attempted to breach the impromptu blockades.
Police allowed demonstrators to block the roads in some locations, taking care to keep direct confrontations to a minimum, AFP correspondents reported.
But later in the evening, after updated figures showed the high number of officers wounded, police said in a statement they would no longer allow protesters to act violently and vandalise property.
"Police were accordingly using force to clear all the roads," a police statement read.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu issued a video late Tuesday saying that "everyone was mourning the tragic death of Solomon Teka".
While acknowledging "there are problems that need to be solved," Netanyahu implored demonstrators to "stop blocking junctions".
"I ask you, let's solve the problems together while adhering to the law," he said.
- 'It's murder' -
Israel's Ethiopian Jewish community numbers around 140,000 people, including more than 50,000 born in the country.
Most are descendants of communities cut off from the Jewish world for centuries, and who were belatedly recognised as Jews by Israeli religious authorities.
Israel took in tens of thousands of them in the 1980s and 1990s.
The community has consistently complained of institutionalised racism.
Thousands took to the streets of Tel Aviv in January after a young community member was shot dead by a police officer when he allegedly rushed at him holding a knife.
In Sunday's shooting, police initially said the officer saw a fight between "a number of youths" nearby and tried to break it up.
After the officer identified himself, the youths began throwing stones at him and he opened fire at Teka after "feeling that his life was in danger", a police statement said.
But the other young men and a passer-by said the policeman was not attacked, Israeli media reported.
Rosenfeld said the officer was placed under house arrest and a probe launched by the justice ministry department which investigates police conduct.
Interviewed on public radio Tuesday, the dead man's cousin, Amir Teka, bridled when asked how he felt about the protests sparked by the "killing".
"It's not 'killing', it's murder," he said.
"It cannot be that a person is next to his home and gets murdered and they say 'killed'. What was it? A work accident? Was he hit by a car?"
Jewish Ethiopians Protest Murder of Youth by Israeli Police
Thousands of Israelis of Ethiopian descent and their supporters staged sit-down protests at major road junctions throughout the country after a member of the community was shot dead by police.
On Saturday, 18-year-old Solomon Tekah was shot dead in the northern city of Haifa by an off-duty policeman.
The Ethiopian Israelis have been subjected to racial discrimination which hasn’t changed despite multiple complaints.
Around 20,000 Ethiopian Jews, who trace their roots to the biblical King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, were brought to Israel on secret flights in the mid-1980s and early 1990s.
Protesters shout slogans as they block a main road during a protest in Tel Aviv.Photos:Reueters
WHO WE ARE
Standing Together is the grassroots people's movement in Israel. We organize Jews and Arabs, local and nationally, around campaigns for peace, equality, and social justice, in order to build power and transform Israeli society.
As Israeli society plunges deeper into crisis, the ability of existing organizations – be it the traditional parties of the Left or the various single-issue NGOs – to mobilize and activate progressive people in Israel, has become increasingly limited. We organize a wide-range of people from across the country around pressing issues that affect us all.
We recognize the interconnectedness between struggles including the growing social and economic disparities in Israeli society, the ongoing occupation of the Palestinian territories, attacks on democratic freedoms, and the hardships faced by minorities such as Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel, the queer community, women, and immigrants. We are unique in that we are the only movement in Israel that fights for a wide range of issues. Our analysis spans across issues: we know that we cannot address one of these challenges without solving the others.
Since our founding in October 2015, Standing Together remains a social and political grassroots movement that is inclusive, pluralistic, activist-based, and democratically operated.
As we say in our motto: “Where There is Struggle – There is Hope.”
JOIN OUR CIRCLES
Our movement is comprised of local chapters across Israel, which we call “circles.” Circles are the heart of our popular movement and meet regularly. Each circle acts locally and nationally through campaigns, educational events, and trainings.
We currently have 9 circles across Israel, which includes more than a 1,000 activists, five local chapters (Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, Haifa and the North, Negev and the South, the Sharon and Taybeh region), and four student chapters (Tel Aviv University, Hebrew University, Ben Gurion University, and Haifa University). We build our people power with every new circle that we form and every new activist that joins. We train our activists with the skills they need to build and work within a joint Jewish-Arab political community.
Each of our circles have monthly meetings, which all are welcome to attend. To get more information about your local circle, attend a training, or if you are interested in starting a new circle, do not hesitate to contact us at: firstname.lastname@example.org
The National Coordinating Team manages the movement's activity in between national assemblies. It consists of 60 representatives who are elected at the national assembly, as well as from representatives elected in the various circles. The team discusses and decides on the budget, and democratically decides on political and organizational issues, in accordance with the rules and ideas determined at the national assembly.
Within the National Coordinating Team we have our core Secretariat, which consists of 21 people who are also elected at the national assembly. They ensure the movement continues to functi'on on a week-to-week basis. Our Secretariat is listed below:
Dr. Nisreen Shehadah, Majed Abu Bilal, Nadav Bigleman, Prof. Dani Filc, Yuval Ofer, Ghadir Hani, Maisam Jaljuli, Muneer Abu Arar, Rula Daood, Alon Nutkevitch, Alon-Lee Green, Avirama Golan, Hadeel Azem Jalajel, Hamutal Blanc, Suf Patishi, Vered Livneh, Hila Aloni Ohayon, Itamar Avneri, Uri Weltmann, Dr. Yeela Raanan, Ilay Abramovich
تهران – ایرنا – منابع خبری روز جمعه گزارش دادند: یهودیان اتیوپیایی (فلاشا) ساکن سرزمین های اشغالی در ادامه تظاهرات خود علیه خشونت پلیس رژیم صهیونیستی، شعار فلسطین سردادند.
به گزارش شبکه خبری «روسیا الیوم»، تظاهرکنندگان در اعتراض به مقامهای صهیونیستی نام «فلسطین» را فریاد میزدند و برخی نیز «تکبیر» میگفتند.
از روز یکشنبه هزاران نفر از یهودیان فلاشا در اعتراض به کشته شدن یک جوان اتیوپیایی به دست پلیس رژیم صهیونیستی، در شهرهای «تل آویو»، «حیفا»، «اشدود» و «اشکلون» تظاهرات اعتراضی برگزار کردند.
شنبه گذشته «سلومون تیکا» جوان اتیوپیایی به ضرب گلوله پلیس صهیونیستی در شهر حیفا کشته شد.
در همین حال روزنامه صهیونیستی «یدیعوت آحارونوت» نوشت که یهودیان اتیوپیایی تهدید کردند که روز شنبه برای درخواست قصاص قاتل تیکا در میدان «رابین» یکی از مشهورترین میادین شهر تل آویو تجمع برگزار خواهند کرد.
یهودیان اتیوپی «فلاشا» از جمله گروههای فقیری هستند که بنا بر وعدههای صهیونیستها به سرزمینهای اشغالی مهاجرت کردند اما در آنجا مورد تبعیض شدید قرار گرفته و به آنها به چشم شهروندان درجه سه نگاه میشود.
براساس آمارهای غیر رسمی، شمار یهودیان اتیوپی تبار در سرزمینهای اشغالی فلسطین بین ۱۲۵ هزار نفر تا ۱۳۵ هزار نفر است.
در همین حال تارنمای «اتیوپیان نشنال پروجکت» در خبری درباره این یهودیان اعلام کرد که ۸۲ هزار نفر از آنها خارج از فلسطین اشغالی متولد شدهاند.
اغلب یهودیان اتیوپیایی تبار در مناطق خاصی در فلسطین اشغالی سکونت دارند. بزرگترین محل سکونت و تجمع آنها در شهرک «کریات اربع» نزدیک «الخلیل» است و همچنین در نزدیکی «صفد» در «الجلیل» و در شهر «عسقلان»؛ برخی از آنها نیز نزدیک بیت المقدس و در شهرکهای «راموت» و «بیت مئیر» و «تله زئیف» هستند.
یهودیان فلاشا و یهودیان شرقی، پیوسته از تبعیض مقامهای صهیونیستی علیه خود شکایت دارند و میگویند از حقوق مساوی با یهودیان غربی برخوردار نیستند.
להניף בצורה מושכלת את כל ארבעת הדגלים/ שיחה עם ד"ר דני פילק, חבר הנהלת מרצ
“Standing Together” is a new grassroots initiative, which is an attempt to build a broad Left Jewish-Arab movement, grounded in the principles of peace, equality and social justice. they base theirselves on a holistic worldview, that sees the interrelations between the occupation, the growing social and economic disparities within Israel, and the attacks by the government on democratic freedoms and on the Arab-Palestinian minority.
“Standing Together” initiated a peace march in the center of Jerusalem (October 17th, 2015), attended by 2,000 Jewish and Arab participants (CNN Report). This was quickly followed by a Jewish-Arab rally in the southern Arab-Bedouin town of Rahat (October 31st) and in northern city of Haifa (November 1st), attended by hundreds.
When the Right-Extremist group “Im Tirtzu” launched a smear campaign against “Breaking the Silence” and other organizations, “Standing Together” organized in December 19th, 2015, a 3,000-strong march in Tel-Aviv (Times of Israel ).
Since November, they hold monthly Israeli-Palestinian peace demonstrations in the occupied territories, organized jointly with “Combatants for Peace”. Hundreds attend these demonstrations, called the “Freedom Marches” (Jerusalem Post)
They plan to organize a rally in Tel-Aviv on May 20th, in support of the Arab-Bedouin unrecognized village of Umm El-Hiran. They have begun the planning of a long-term process towards a broad “Equality March”, to be held in late 2016, that will march from Nazareth to Jerusalem, bringing together, under one umbrella, the demand for equality for various groups in Israeli society: Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel, immigrants from the former USSR and from Ethiopia, Mizrahi (‘Sephardic’) Jews, precarious workers, women, the LGBT community, etc. In order not to become a narrow single-issue organization, they are in the initial steps of preparing a campaign around socio-economic demands.
The ability of existing organizations – be it the traditional parties of the Left or the various single-issue NGOs – to energize, mobilize and activate the progressive people in Israel, has become very limited. In order to combat apathy and demoralization, They need a political movement which occupies the vast empty space between the electoral parties on the one hand and the NGOs on the other hand. This Jewish-Arab movement will be inclusive, pluralistic, activist-based and democratically operated. hopefully “Standing Together” will be the beginning of such a movement.
Contacts for more information about “Standing Together”:
Prof. Dani Filc, Ben-Gurion University
Former Chairperson of Physicians for Human Rights
email@example.com , +972546377677
Dr. Dov Khenin
Member of Knesset from Hadash
קריאה לשבוע החדש.
פרופ' דני פילק הוא חבר יקר. נפגשנו במסגרת פעילות ברופאים לזכויות אדם. דני סיכם בכישרון רב, את החשיבות בבניית שמאל עממי, אבל בעיקר איך יוצרים מקום לכולנו. נשים, ערבים, עניים, בפריפריות ובמרכז. איך נאבקים במסע הדה-לגיטימציה נגד האוכלוסייה הערבית, וחזון ארץ ישראל השלמה.
דני הצטרף לתמיכה בי בריצה בפריימריז במרצ. תודה דני! התמיכה שלך חשובה לי ומחזקת אותי. קראו את הניתוח של דני על הפרקטיקה שהשמאל צריך לאמץ.
בתמונה: דני ואני בצעדה יהודית-ערבית, של תנועת עומדים ביחד نقف معًا במחסום המנהרות, בקריאה לסיום הכיבוש
המאבק למען חברה טובה יותר לכולנו, המאבק נגד הכיבוש ובעד שלום צודק, נגד הגזענות ובעד חברה שוויונית, המאבק בעד חברה סולידרית ונגד מודל כלכלי שממשכן את הבריאות והחינוך של כולנו למען הרווחים של מעטים; איננו מאבק של זבנג וגמרנו. מדובר בתהליך ארוך טווח, שמחייב לבנות מחנה רחב.
זהו מאבק שמצריך לבנות שמאל עממי, שנבנה מתוך המשותף, שמתנגד להיררכיות תרבותיות, שאינו רואה את עצמו כאויב של הדת, שמבקש לחבר בין אינטרסים שונים למען טוב משותף לרוב הגדול של החברה הישראלית.
זהו מאבק שמצריך שותפות פוליטית יהודית-ערבית, שכן כיום מה שמאפיין את הימין אינו רק המאבק למען ארץ ישראל השלמה, אלא מתקפה חסרת רסן נגד האזרחים הפלסטינים. חוק הלאום הוא המימוש החוקתי של מדיניות שכוללת דלגיטימציה מתמדת, הריסת בתים, הדרת השפה והתרבות. לכן אין אלטרנטיבה לשלטון הימין שאינה בנויה על שיתוף פוליטי יהודי-ערבי.
זהו מאבק שמחייב פעולה מתמדת לבנות גשרים וחיבורים. לשלב בין מפלגות, תנועות חברתיות, ארגוני חברה אזרחית. לחבר בין פסיפס הזהויות של החברה הישראלית, על ידי חיבור בין האינטרסים המשותפים לרובנו: חינך ציבורי טוב ושוויוני לילדים שלנו; מערכת בריאות ציבורית נגישה ואיכותית, שלא תחייב אותנו לשלם מכיסנו בעת מצוקה; לדעת שכשנצא לפנסיה לא נדרדר לעוני ולא נצטרך להיות תלויים בבני המשפחה שלנו; מדינה שלוקחת אחריות על כך שלכל תושביה תהיה קורת גג ראויה; שכר הוגן; ביטחון בעבודה; מדינה בה לתושב הפריפריה אותן אפשרויות מאשר לתושב במרכז; חברה פלורלית בה איש אינו מודר או מופלה על שום רקע; חברה עם שוויון מגדרי מלא; סביבה בריאה לכולנו.
מרץ יכולה וחייבת להיות גורם משמעותי בבניית שמאל עממי יהודי-ערבי. אך לשם כך היא חייבת שינוי: פתיחות, שינוי בשפה, חיפוש החיבורים. יש למזלנו לא מעט א/נשים שמבקשים להוביל בתוך מרץ את תהליך השינוי הנדרש, שמחויבים לבניית שמאל עממי. חלקם חברי כנסת מכהנים כמו מוסי רז ואילן גלאון, חלקם מועמדים חדשים. אבי דבוש הוא הבולט בין האחרונים. לאבי רקורד מרשים של מאבקים חברתיים, סביבתיים ונגד הכיבוש. הקמת תנועת הפריפריות מהווה צעד חשוב בתהליך של בניית שמאל עממי, רחב ומכיל.
התהליך הארוך של בניית שמאל עממי שיהווה אלטרנטיבה מוצלחת לשלטון הימין מצריך שיתוף פעולה בין החברה האזרחית לכנסת. חשוב שנשלח לכנסת נציגים שמחויבים לפרויקט הזה. לכן צריך לנצל את ההזדמנות שיש לנו בפריימריס הקרובים, ולהצביע בעד מועמדים כמו אבי, שמזה שנים – בארגוני חברה אזרחית ובמרץ -מנהל מאבק עקבי לבניית שמאל מכיל ופתוח.
דני עובד בתור רופא בקופת חולים כללית במרפאה שכונתית בתל אביב ומרצה בחוג לפוליטיקה וממשל באוניברסיטת בן גוריון בבאר שבע. בעברו הוא היה תקופה מסוימת חבר בקיבוץ זיקים. דני הוא גם יו"ר הארגון של רופאים לזכויות אדם ועל כך נביא פרטים בנפרד.
דני גם חבר בהנהלה של מרכז אדווה לחקר האי שוויון בישראל, בראשות הפרופ' שלמה סבירסקי. זה עתה, הוא נבחר שוב להנהלה החדשה של מרצ וברכותינו נתונות לו על היבחרו.
ש: איך אתה רוצה לראות את מרצ פועלת בתקופה הקרובה ומשפרת את מעמדה ואת כוחה?
דני: הייתי רוצה שמרצ תמקם את עצמה כמפלגת שמאל בארבעה מישורים ותניף ארבעה דגלים:
1) במאבק נגד הכיבוש ובעד שלום צודק.
2) במאבק לשוויון ולצדק חברתי וכנגד הניאו-ליברליזם של החברה הישראלית.
3) במאבק של השמאל בסוגיות התרבותיות: לתרבות פלורליסטית, לזכויות של מיעוטים על כל רקע אפשרי, לתרבות הומניסטית.
4) במאבק לשמירת איכות הסביבה וכל הנושא הירוק של הצלת כדור הארץ.
ראוי לומר בגלוי שלא ניתן היום לפתור את בעיותיה של מרצ בזבנג וגמרנו. במצב הנוכחי שקיים בישראל, מי שמבטיח שרק אם נביא אנשים מהשטח ונעשה כך וכך, מייד נפרוץ דרך קדימה, משלה את כולנו.
צריך, לעומת זאת, ליזום מאבקים שיתחברו אל ציבורים יותר רחבים ואל הזדמנויות קונקרטיות. המאבקים צריכים לענות על אחד או יותר מהקריטריונים שהצגנו. למשל, המאבק ברמת חובב: הוא מתקשר להגנת השכבות החלשות, להגנת הבדואים, להגנת איכות הסביבה, יש כאן חיבור של כמה דגלים. או המאבק למניעת בניית בתים למיליונרים בחוף תל אביב. זה נושא שמתחבר לכמה דגלים שלנו. וכך נוכל להתחבר לקהלים שונים.
יש לזכור שהדגלים השונים גם כרוכים בניגודים מסוימים ביניהם. לפעמים הגיוס של תומכים לתחום השלום, למשל, עלול להרחיק מאתנו תומכים בתחום החברתי. אבל חשובה הנוכחות שלנו במאבקים השונים. כך נוכל להתקדם ולשפר את מצבנו ומעמדנו בציבור. נוסף לכך יש להקטין את המאבקים הפנימיים, הגורמים לאובדן של הרבה אנרגיה. ראוי להתרכז במאבק לשינוי המציאות החיצונית, זו שגורמת לנו הרבה צער.
נעבור ל"כובע" השני של דני פילק והוא ארגון הרופאים לזכויות אדם. דני הוא היו"ר של הארגון הזה, המונה 1300 רופאים, אחיות, עובדי בריאות ואחרים, התומכים במטרות של ארגון גדול וחשוב זה.
הארגון הזה התחיל את פעולתו לפני עשרים שנה בישראל, ביוזמתה של ד"ר רוחמה מרטון, המשמשת היום כנשיאת הארגון.
הארגון של הרופאים לזכויות אדם התחיל את פעולתו כארגון שנלחם כנגד הכיבוש, דרך הפריזמה של אתיקה רפואית והזכות לבריאות. וזאת נעשה תוך התראה על הפגיעה בזכות לבריאות של אסירים ועצורים ופליטים ומהגרי עבודה וכן הזכות לבריאות של הבדואים ותושבי הכפרים הבלתי מוכרים. הפרויקט עסק גם בזכות לבריאות של כלל תושבי ישראל.
תוך כדי כך התפתחה תפיסה יותר רחבה של הזכות לבריאות. היום, אומר דני פילק, אנו מבינים את הזכות לבריאות לא רק כזכות לשירותי בריאות ולא רק כזכות לשלמות הגוף, אלא גם כזכות לכל אחד מאותם תנאים חברתיים, שהם התנאים ההכרחיים להעדר מחלה. תנאים אלה הם, למשל, מים, מניעת זיהום, סביבה בריאה, רמה סבירה של פרנסה, וכיוצא באלה.
ש: מה הם תחומי הפעילות של ארגון הרופאים לזכויות אדם?
דני: ישנם ארבעה תחומי פעילות:
1) להתריע על הפגיעה בזכויות אדם בכלל ובזכויות הבריאות בפרט.
2) סינגור עקרוני על סוגיות שונות, שקשורות לזכויות לבריאות, כמו למשל נגד חסימת אמבולנסים במחסומים בשטחים, כמו למשל ביטול תקרת התשלום בעד טיפול רפואי לחולים כרוניים והורדתו מ-600 ¤ כיום ל-150 ¤ בלבד, שינוי חקיקה לטובת הנזקקים ועוד.
3) שינוי המדיניות למהגרי עבודה ולגבי תושבי הכפרים הלא מוכרים. פעילות זו ובנושאים דומים כרוכה
במעשים פרטניים כלפי אנשים פרטיים שנפגעו, כלומר שזכותם לבריאות נפגעה. זה כולל התעסקות בקבלת אישורי מעבר עבורם, במיוחד לפלשתינים שצריכים לקבל טיפול רפואי בישראל.
4) עבודה רפואית נטו. מרפאה של הארגון מגיעה פעם בשבוע עם רופאים ישראליים מתנדבים ונותנים טיפול רפואי בחינם בעיקר בכפרים שבגדה המערבית. אנו נותנים גם בישראל שירותי בריאות למהגרי עבודה ולתושבי הכפרים הלא מוכרים.
שוחח ורשם: נחום שור