The list of activist-Israelis who found university positions in Great Britain is rather long. To name a few, Ilan Pappe, formerly of the University of Haifa, was invited to the University of Exeter as a Professor of History and Director of the European Centre for Palestine Studies. Pappe was one of the original “New Historians” who went on to “prove” that Israel has committed Nazi-like atrocities against the Palestinians. Naturally, this secured him this prestigious job.
Another example is Eyal Weizman, Professor of Spatial and Visual Cultures, who founded and directed the Centre for Research Architecture at Goldsmiths University of London. In 2010 he founded the research agency Forensic Architecture. His book The Least of All Possible Evils, examines the damage following the 2010 "bombardment" by Israel and it’s "regime imposed upon Gaza". Weizman "pieces together the systematic process of destruction, revealing the political atrocity within the debris." In his other book, Hollow Land, he “unravels” Israel’s transformation of Palestinian homes into a war zone under constant surveillance” and how Israel is using architecture “as lethal weapons in the formation of Israel." Of course, Weizman is a rising star among the pro-Palestinian cohorts.
Prof. Neve Gordon, a prominent anti-Israel radical from Ben Gurion University who compared Israel to the apartheid regime in South Africa, is now teaching International Law at Queen Mary University of London, a field in which he has no expertise.
Others like Moriel Ram followed suit. Ram HAS relocated to SOAS and UCL. Ram's M.A. at BGU titled "The Eyes that became a gaze: Mt. Hermon and Israel's geopolitical discourse," was co-supervised by Prof. Oren Yiftachel. Like Gordon, Yiftachel has promoted the idea of Israeli apartheid. The "gaze" is a critical neo-Marxist term referring to Michel Foucault. Ram's Ph.D., also at BGU, describing the Golan Heights as a "Colonial Conquest," was supervised by Neve Gordon and Haim Yacobi.
Some find Ram's scholarship questionable, as one scholar complained, "Ram’s review regrettably fails [it is] replete with contradictions, misinterpretations, and mistakes." This scholar accused Ram of "flawed" reading, “unfounded, thereby doing disservice to readers”. In particular, the scholar noted that Ram is "evidently more concerned with raising alternative interpretations that have no foundation in the historical record than with the evidence itself."
Of late, Ram found a new venue to smear Israel. He is now researching Israel’s medical aid to Africa from 1957 to 1973. He states that Israel’s medical work utilized "health aid for its strategic interests" and mobilized medical knowledge, personnel, and infrastructure for “racializing” Africans, while "culturally dislocating itself from Africa." Ram suggests that Israel's medical knowledge is based on "data collection, manipulation of limited resource and governance of immigration in ways that reorganise cultural hierarchies and national identities." For Ram, Israel's "interventions in Africa" is a political exercise to gain influence. This paper was delivered at The Middle East Studies Association (MESA)2019 Annual Meeting, a bastion of anti-Israel gathering.
As noted, Ram's expertise is the Golan Heights. For him, the “Israelification” of the Golan “entailed massive population displacement, spatial demolition, and European rebranding,” It is a “battle-tested template to how annexation could look like in the West Bank". President Donald Trump’s "blatant flaunting of international law in Iran, Jerusalem, and now the Golan" points to America's weakening. Ram also egregiously claims that "Britain and France tried to take over the Suez Canal in 1956, a scheme that also involved Israel’s active participation and occupation of the Sinai Peninsula."
Ram recently promoted the book Emptied Lands - A Legal Geography of Bedouin Rights in the Negevby Alexandre Kedar, Oren Yiftachel and Ahmad Amara. The book investigates the territorial conflict between the "settler Israeli state" and the "indigenous Bedouin" citizens, over ownership of lands in southern "Israel/Palestine". According to the authors, the "dead Negev doctrine" is used by Israel to "dispossess and forcefully displace Bedouin inhabitants in order to Judaize the region." The authors "reveal" that this is done "through manipulative use of Ottoman, British and Israeli laws." The Bedouins perform an "ongoing resistance to the Jewish state" over their "indigenous property." However, as IAM reported before, Yiftachel has testified as an expert in one of the trials on behalf of a Bedouin family, but the court dismissed the case over lack of proof of ownership. The presiding Judge censured Yiftachel for his sloppy research.
The harm done to Bedouin communities by the likes of Yiftachel cannot be exaggerated. As noted by leading scholars, some of the illegal Bedouin constructions are erected in dangerous locations unfit for residence, for example underneath high-voltage lines or next to industrial zones, such as Ramat Hovav, the petrochemical plant of hazardous substances. Some are even built on approved routes of future roads, military zones, or nature reserves, thus obstructing the planned development of the area. Families residing in unauthorized areas cannot benefit from public services enjoyed by the community at large, and they are unable to pay for travel to places for these services because of the physical distance. As a result, many Bedouin families with young children cannot enjoy the standard of living which they could have had. To solve this, Israeli governments appointed several committees to find accepted solutions, but the steady increase in the compensation tariff causes the Bedouins to think it is worth resisting the offers and wait for better offers in the future. Yiftachel and ilk encourage the Bedouins to "resist" Israel's proposed solutions.
The one-sided and tendentious representations of Israel as an apartheid state which maltreats the Palestinians, the Bedouins, and Arab citizens, feeds into the rising anti-Semitism in the UK. As well known, the anti-Jewish atmosphere in Britain is so bad that, by one account, a large number of Jews would leave the country if Labor wins power in the forthcoming election.
As Jews and Israelis, the members of the radical academic fraternity provide cover for the insidious anti-Israeli and anti-Semitic sentiments that have affected parts of the British society.
October 27, 2019
Nov. 7 Amsterdam: The Bedouins of the Naqab (Negev)
On Thursday evening, November 7, the Dutch Palestine Committee is organizing an informative meeting about the position of the Palestinian Bedouins in the Naqab (Negev), who are systematically driven from Israel to settle Jewish settlers whether or not (read: ethnic cleansing, a war crime).
Bedouin communities don't live on the side of the road in difficult conditions because this is their "natural" lifestyle. They are actually fighting, holding on to the land and refusing to leave, despite all the inhuman and cruel attacks they experience from Jewish settlers and the Israeli army.
On the basis of the documentary Sumud: The Struggle for Al-Araqib and an explanation by Irène Steinert, who has been closely involved with the Bedouins in the Naqab for years - especially in the village of Al-Araqib - there will be discussions with Safia Aburabia via skype and Oren Yiftachel in Palestine / Israel about the emergency situation in which the Bedouins have found themselves
Place: CREA, Theater hall
New Achtergracht 168-178
1018 WV Amsterdam
Time: 7:30 p.m.
Walk in from 7:15 pm
Language: Dutch (documentary in Arabic, subtitled in English); Skype connection in English
IAS Book Launch: Emptied Lands - A Legal Geography of Bedouin Rights in the Negev
6:00 pm to 8:00 pm, 15 October 2019
Speakers: Oren Yiftachel, UCL, and Sandy Kedar, Haifa University, co-authors. Respondents: Suhad Bishara (KCL - Human rights lawyer, representing Bedouin Palestinians, Adalah), Eyal Weizman (Goldsmiths - Forensic Architecture) and Sarah Keenan (Birkbeck, Centre for Research on Race and Law). Chaired by Haim Yacobi, DPU, the Bartlett School, UCL
Emptied Landsinvestigates the protracted legal, planning, and territorial conflict between the settler Israeli state and indigenous Bedouin citizens over traditional lands in southern Israel/Palestine. The authors place this dispute in historical, legal, geographical, and international-comparative perspectives, providing the first legal geographic analysis of the "dead Negev doctrine" used by Israel to dispossess and forcefully displace Bedouin inhabitants in order to Judaize the region. The authors reveal that through manipulative use of Ottoman, British and Israeli laws, the state has constructed its own version of terra nullius. Yet, the indigenous property and settlement system still functions, creating an ongoing resistance to the Jewish state. Emptied Lands critically examines several key land claims, court rulings, planning policies, and development strategies, offering alternative local, regional, and international routes for justice.
This book is published by Stanford University Press.
All welcome. Please note that there may be photography and/or audio recording at some events and that admission is on a first come first served basis. Please follow this FAQ link for more information. All our events are free but you can support the IAS here.
Parallel plenary 3A
Reshaping Urban Spaces
Tuesday 12 November, 09.30 – 11.00
IAS Common Ground
Chair / discussant: Dr Balakrishnan Rajagopal, Associate Professor of Law and
Development, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
This session considers how processes of investment, law and the state are reshaping urban
spaces, including: the financial and legal politics of property restitution; the ways in which
refugee and humanitarian interventions are reshaping urban development politics; and the
ways in which forms of colonial power configure displaceability.
Prof. Oren Yiftachel
Oren Yiftachel is Chair of Urban Studies at the Department of Geography and Environmental Development, Ben Gurion University of the Negev. He previously taught at urban planning, geography, political science and Middle East departments at a range of institutions, including: Curtin University, Australia; the Technion, Israel; the University of Pennsylvania, Columbia and UC Berkeley; University of Cape Town; and the University of Venice. He was a research fellow at RMIT, Melbourne; the US Institute of Peace, Washington DC; and the Van Leer Institute, Jerusalem. Professor Yiftachel has worked on critical theories of space and power; minorities and public policy; and ‘ethnocratic’ societies and land regimes. He is currently working on three main research projects: the spatial transformation of Israel/Palestine; the geography of ethnocratic power structures; and the various shades of the 'grey city' using a comparative international perspective. Nationalizing the Urban Frontier: A Political Geography of Polarisation and Displacement Nationalism and urban studies have developed into two of the most important fields of research in the social science. Yet these fields rarely converse, leaving the interaction between nationalism and urbanism unexplored and under-theorised. Such ‘conversation’ is more needed than ever, given the rapid rate of urbanisation and the ‘return’ of (neo)nationalism in recent years. The lecture explores the frontier of such interactions by focusing on the emergence of a new urban political geography marked by double polarisation and new forms of coloniality, born of the ‘friction’ of globalising urbanism and neo-nationalism. These processes, it is argued, run against most dominant urban theories, framing the city as a ‘post-political’ space, drawn within, and a process of 'planetary' urbanisation and globalising neoliberalism. Neo-nationalism and state politics appear to create a far more contentious political geography of polarisation, which emerges on two key axes: (a) between metropolitan and country regions (including regional cities); and (b) within metropolitan regions. The lecture analyses the impact of these polarisations on the remaking of contemporary 'metrozenship'. Drawing on comparative analysis of international examples, it examines the nature and influence of neo-nationalism and globalising urbanism on migration, land, housing, bordering and development policies, and on the changing patterns of right to the city. The analysis particularly focuses on the rise of displacement, and the expanding condition of displaceability, as hallmarks of the new urban order of 'separate and unequal'.
SSoA-USP-UI seminar: Oren Yiftachel - From Displacement to Displaceabilty
by The Sheffield School of Architecture - Reflections Seminar Series
About this Event
Urban displacement has become a central topic in the social sciences. This welcome development, however, appears to focus on the act of displacement rather than the condition of displaceability. The literature on the subject is dominated by a 'traditional-critical' approach, concentrating almost solely on the impact of capitalism, neoliberalism and gentrification in the global 'northwest'. The suggests that displacement and displaceability denote wider phenomena, often stemming from different spatial logics of power. It thus highlights the need to use 'southeastern' approaches, which focus on urban dynamics and concepts emerging from non-western societies or populations. These 'views from the periphery' highlight a pluriversal nature of the urbanization process during which several structural logics, such as (but not limited to) nationalism, statism, identity regimes and struggles for human and urban rights, interact with the exigencies of globalizing capitalism to generate new types of urban coloniality and citizenship. Within these settings, a shift to a prevailing condition of displaceability and to new assemblages of urban coloniality typifies the rapidly expanding southeastern metropolis. The lecture draws on comparative urban examples, with special focus on Israel/Palestine, in order to map a continuum of 'displaceabilities' as an important analytical tool for the understanding urban citizenship in majority of world's urban regions.
Prof. Oren Yiftachel teaches urban studies and political geography at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, and a visiting Leverhulme professor at UCL's Dept of Geography. His research has focused on critical understandings of the relations between space, power and conflict. Yiftachel holds the Lloyd Hurst Family Chair in Urban Studies.
Yiftachel has taught at a range of universities in Australia, the US, India, South Africa and Italy. His research has focused on critical understandings of the relations between space, power and conflict. He has published over 100 articles and ten authored and edited books, including Planning a Mixed Region in Israel (1992), Planning as Control: Policy and Resistance in Divided Societies (Pergamon, 1995); Israelis in Conflict (Sussex, 2004), Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine (Penn 2006); Indigenous (in)Justice (with Amara and abu-Saad, Harvard, 2012) and Emptied Lands: the Legal Geography of negev Bedouins (with Kedar and Amara, Stanford, 2018).
Yiftachel is an activist, who has connected research and civil society work, with a range of human rights and civil society organizations. These have included the RCUV – regional council for unrecognized Bedouin villages, "Adva" – Center for social equality, and as the chair of B'Tselem – monitoring human rights violations in the Palestinian Territories. Recently, he founded with colleagues a new decolonizing peace movement for Israel/Palestine – "a land for all: two states, one homeland".
Emptied Lands: A Legal Geography of Bedouin Rights in the Negev
Monday 14 October 2019 6:30pm to 8:00pm
Hosted by the Department of Law
MOOT COURT ROOM, NEW ACADEMIC BUILDING, LSE
Book Launch: Emptied Lands: A Legal Geography of Bedouin Rights in the Negev
Written by Alexander Kedar, Ahmad Amara and Oren Yiftachel, this book combines legal, geographical and political analysis to introduce a forensic study of how Israel has weaponized the law against Palestine’s most vulnerable inhabitants – the Bedouins.
Since its establishment, the Jewish State has devoted major efforts to secure control over the land of Israel. One example is the protracted legal and territorial strife between the State of Israel and its indigenous Bedouin citizens over their traditional land in the Negev in southern Israel. Emptied Lands investigates this multifaceted land dispute, placing it in historical, legal, geographical, and comparative perspective. The authors provide the first legal geographic analysis of the “Dead Negev Doctrine”, which has been used by Israel to dispossess Bedouin inhabitants of their land and Judaize the southern half of the country. Through crafty use of Ottoman and British laws, particularly the concept of “dead land,” Israel has constructed its own version of terra nullius. Yet, the indigenous space and property system continue to function, creating an ongoing resistance to the Jewish state. This study examines several key land claims and rulings and alternative routes for justice promoted by indigenous communities and civil society movements.
We are delighted to host Sandy Kedar for a launch of: Emptied Lands: A Legal Geography of Bedouin Rights in the Negev (Stanford University Press, 2018) by Alexandre Kedar, Ahmad Amara and Oren Yiftachel.
Emptied Lands investigates the protracted legal, planning, and territorial conflict between the settler Israeli state and indigenous Bedouin citizens over traditional lands in southern Israel/Palestine. The authors place this dispute in historical, legal, geographical, and international- comparative perspectives, providing the first legal geographic analysis of the “dead Negev doctrine” used by Israel to dispossess and forcefully displace Bedouin inhabitants to Judaize the region. The authors reveal that through manipulative use of Ottoman, British and Israeli laws, the state has constructed its own version of terra nullius. Yet, the indigenous property and settlement system still functions, creating an ongoing resistance to the Jewish state. Emptied Lands critically examines several key land claims, court rulings, planning policies and development strategies, offering alternative local, regional, and international routes for justice.
Alexandre Kedar teaches at University of Haifa School of Law and is a co-editor of The Expanding Spaces of Law (Stanford, 2014). He is a co-founder of The Israeli Association for Distributive Justice.
Tonight: How has the law be used as a weapon against Palestine’s most vulnerable inhabitants – the Bedouins? Find out tonight in a discussion about the book, 'Emptied Lands: A Legal Geography of Bedouin Rights in the Negev' 6.30-8pm, Moot Court Room: http://www.lse.ac.uk/law/events/emptied-lands/emptied-lands…
Even veterans of human rights struggles cannot recall such a horror show as took place in the Negev Desert, 10km north of Beersheba, last Tuesday, when 1500 border guards, riot squad members and armed police, accompanied by bulldozers and helicopters, streamed in from all directions to uproot the small village of the al-Turi tribe in Araqib.
It was a violent showcase operation designed to display force and sow fear. All that remained of the village was twisted rubble, some chickens, geese and sheep wandering around, and pervasive feeling of shock and disbelief. A week after Tisha'a B'Av which mourns the destruction of the Jewish Temples, the village appeared like the Destruction itself.
Let us recall that the members of the al-Turi tribe, like the majority of people in the Bedouin unrecognised villages and towns, are the traditional landowners, who have resided there, tilled its hills and tended their flocks, for generations before the State of Israel was formed. At the beginning of the 1950s, they were forcibly relocated “temporarily” by the then military government. Their lands remained fallow for 50 odd years. About a decade ago they returned and built their village on their historical land, whose fate is a still pending in a current court case.
The al-Turi case is one of several historical land rights cases now underway in Israeli courts, in which indigenous Bedouins claim ownership over their traditional land which was nationalised decades ago. The most notable is the case of the al-Uqbi tribe, immediately adjacent to the destroyed village – a case with important implications for all indigenous land claims in the area. In that trial, the state position, which has rules the courts for decades, is finally seriously challenged. At the centre is the state's claim that before Israeli rule in the area in 1948 all Bedouin lands were “dead”, that is, unsettled, unassigned and uncultivated. Such land, according to the prevailing law, have no owners, and is by default state land. Under this distorted logic, the Bedouins have been declared “invaders” on their own ancestors land, all around Beersheba.
Yet, the recent trials bring to the fore compelling evidence about continuous Bedouin occupation and cultivation of the lands around Beersheba. The new material shows that Bedouin lands were managed for generations by a well functioning traditional land ownership system, which allocated residential, agricultural and grazing lands, and adjudicated on land disputes, under the approval of the Ottoman and British rulers. While the Bedouin did not register their land in the British land title books (a fact used against them by Israel), no-one can seriously say that the lands around Beersheba were “dead”. In some ways, the recent trials resemble the struggle of aborigines against Australia's “terra nullius” (empty land) doctrine, which was finally defeated in 1992 during the well known Mabo case. Following Mabo, a new category of “native title”' entered the Australian rule book and other countries, like Canada, South Africa, India and Brazil followed suit. The Bedouins are demanding that Israel too recognises traditional land ownership not the least in the Araqib area. It may be that the state of Israel feels threatened by the erosion of its legal hegemony in the historical land cases over Araqib, and has therefore decided to act violently, while it has the legal power to classify the land as 'public' and all buildings as “illegal”.
Accordingly, since moving back to their land in Araqib, the al-Turis and their neighbours, the al-Uqbis, have been undergoing an ordeal that includes regular home demolitions and the annual destruction of their crops, which have been sprayed with defoliants and ploughed back into the ground. Now their entire village has been destroyed. Other tribes which used to live in al-Araqib but were forcibly removed, have also attempted to return to the area, but were driven away by the state. Recently the JNF has begun planting trees there to create a forest, and thereby deny any future attempts to recultivate and settled the once Bedouin lands.
So as history would have it, even if the dry letter of the law does not concur, it is the State of Israel which is invading the Bedouin land, and not the other way around.
But let us put history and legal arguments aside for the moment, and ask -- is there no other way? The answer is right before our eyes -- there is another way, and how! Actually in the last fortnight we have seen two events that illustrate just how criminal and unnecessary was the entire act of village destruction. They also demonstrate the extent to which the solutions are at hand.
The first event was the approval of the new Beersheba metropolitan plan. That plan recognises the existence of four villages -- Atir, al-Gharah, Rachame and Sa’awa -- which until a fortnight ago had exactly the same status as Araqib. Those villages were also deemed illegal and were marked down for evacuation and destruction. The villages joined the list of a dozen villages recognised or "established" in recent years -- one of them is the village of Tarabin, which is quite close to the village which was destroyed.
Now that the fear of destruction and evacuation is behind them, the residents of these villages can start to rebuild their future like other ordinary citizens. Undoubtedly, they will face extensive difficulties as Arabs in the Jewish state, but the profound threat of eviction will be lifted from over their heads.
The second event was the passing of the Family Farms Law, which legalises the status of 60 Jewish (and one Arab) family ranches and farms set up without planning approval in the Negev. Yes, the aim of the law is the Judaisation of the Negev, and it is true that the law makers tried their utmost to make it inaccessible to the Bedouin. But the fact that these farms were granted approval years after they were built, raises the possibility that small Bedouin communities, which have settled their land for many generations, can also be recognised in retrospect -- just like Jewish family farms.
What is needed then in the Negev is the implementation of a simple, but almost revolutionary idea in present day Israel -- civil equality. We must remember that the implementation of this notion has been demanded by Jews for generations. The Negev’s future is predicated on such an equality, for otherwise the continuing conflict will deteriorate the situation of Arabs and Jews alike. There's no reason not to recognise Bedouin villages on the basis of equality with the Jewish population, and this will also enable equality in law enforcement.
As we have seen, the mechanisms and precedents for taking a different path already exist. The Regional Council of Unrecognised Villages (RCUV) and other NGO's such as “Bimkom”, the Centre for Alternative Planning and the Co-existence Forum, have been working on a range of master and detailed plans for the unrecognised Bedouin villages and towns. These plans should be implemented without delay. Simultaneously the plans for the removal of the villages need to be removed themselves and replaced by plans for legal recognition.
Yet, this may not happen under Israel's continuing shift to the right, and the re-enforcement of its “ethnocratic” principles of greater Jewish control, often violent, on both sides of the Green Line. If ethnocracy prevails over democracy, dangerous ethnic discrimination will continue to mould life in the Negev. The dangers embedded in such discrimination were summed up well by Supreme Court Justice Cheshin in a recent ruling: "Discrimination... is the worst of all evils... Discrimination gnaws endlessly at relations between human beings... continuing discrimination results in the collapse of nations and loss of sovereignty... What you do not wish for yourself, do not do to others."
The Israeli government should take note, both in general and in the case of the Bedouins of Araqib. In the face of this senseless destruction it's high time to replace removal with approval – and the earlier the better!
Prof Oren Yiftachel is a researcher and human rights activist. He teaches political geography and urban planning at Ben-Gurion University, Beersheba. He also represents Bedouin communities in courts and planning forums, and has recently been elected as co-chair of B’Tselem, the Israeli information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories.
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A one-day conference looking at the Palestine-Israel question through the lens of Europe.
About this Event
Organised in partnership with EuroPal Forum, the conference will bring together some of the world’s leading experts on the subject to discuss issues related to the EU’s foreign policy and to assess their success over the years.
The conference will discuss: The EU’s position on the major issues (settlements; refugees; borders, Jerusalem) related to the ongoing conflict; labelling settlement products as a case study in the effectiveness of EU policies towards Israel and Palestine; the rise of right-wing politics and its implications for the Israel-Palestine issue; the impact of Brexit on Palestinian advocacy; the debate around criticising Israel and assessing the impact of silencing discussion on Palestine.
The panel of experts will also provide an assessment of pro-Israel lobby groups in Europe and contrast that with advocacy campaigns for Palestinian human rights. They will assess the strengths and weaknesses of Palestinian groups and suggest ideas on improving their effectiveness.
Doors open at 9.30am for a 10am start. Lunch and refreshments will be provided throughout the day.
The venue will be at a location near Russell Square, London. Full details will be emailed to you 2 days before the event.
Professor Ilan Pappé
Professor at the University of Exeter, formerly a senior lecturer in political science at the University of Haifa
Director of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign
Dr Sharri Plonski
Lecturer in International Politics at the Queen Mary, University of London
Professor Neve Gordon
Professor of International Law at Queen Mary University of London
Dr Catherine Charrett
Lecturer in International Politics at the University of Westminster
Dr Atef Alshaer
Lecturer in Arabic literature and Middle Eastern politics at the University of Westminster
Policy fellow with the Middle East and North Africa programme at the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)
Dr Dimitris Bouris
Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam
Irish journalist and political activist, currently an associate editor of The Electronic Intifada
How can I contact the organiser with any questions?
Unfortunately not. However, we will be sharing snippets during the event on our Facebook, Instagram and Twitter pages, and will also be Live Blogging on our website through the event.
Please note: The event will be filmed and photographed by us and third-party media partners. By attending you consent to your image being used in broadcast and marketing by Middle East Monitor, Europal and our media partners.
OrganiserMiddle East Monitor & EuroPal Forum
Organiser of The Palestine Question in Europe
Middle East Monitor
The Middle East Monitor is a not-for-profit policy research institute that provides research, information and analyses of primarily the Palestine-Israel conflict. We also provides briefings on other Middle East issues.
MEMO aims to influence policy and the public agenda from the perspective of social justice, human rights and international law. This is essential to obtain equality, security and social justice across the region, especially in Palestine.
EuroPal Forum is a London-based NGO that seeks to build networks of support across Europe for Palestinian rights. To do this, EuroPal Forum organise seminars, training courses, and high-profile meetings with MPs and senior public figures across Europe to raise awareness and encourage positive choices surrounding ongoing developments concerning Palestine.
Over the last year, EuroPal Forum have been running a series of seminars across Europe - including in the European Parliament and House of Commons - to promote dialogue between Palestinian and European decision makers over key issues affecting the plight of the Palestinians.
Focusing on Israel’s export of medical knowledge to African states from 1957 to 1973, we examine how the development of health aid constructs and fractures racialized national identities. Situating our historical discussion within the framework of the politics of health, we critically analyse how Israel sought to utilize health aid for its strategic interests by forming a set of interconnected sites we designate as a health archipelago. Through the archipelago, Israel mobilized medical knowledge, personnel and infrastructure that resonated with racialized perceptions while culturally dislocating itself from Africa. Based on archival work, this analysis of Israel’s medical archipelago illuminates the infra-political actions that shape state-centred development schemes. It uncovers how medical knowledge was not only imported from outside Africa but rather circulated through data collection, manipulation of limited resource and governance of immigration in ways that reorganise cultural hierarchies and national identities. Hence, discussing Israeli interventions in Africa enables us to pinpoint the transregional circulation of medical knowledge as it is inscribed in national identities, and to construct regional geopolitics through the movement of materials, individuals and knowledge between Africa and the Middle East.